This paper uses the results of the 1970 census to examine the question whether males, especially lower-income males, benefit economically from earnings discrimination against women. The kinds of arguments raised in the literature on the parallel question, whether whites benefit from economic discrimination against blacks are examined for their bearing on the effect of sexual discrimination.The ratio of urban female to urban male and the ratio of white female to white male earnings are used as indicators of earnings discrimination against women, while median annual male earnings and the Gini index of male earnings inequality are used as the measure of male gain. The fifty U.S. states are compared on these measures through correlation analysis. The percentage of the population in manufacturing, personal income per capita, the percent living in cities, the percentage of the population that is Third World and the region of the country are controlled through partial correlation. Indicators of earnings discrimination against women are also correlated with a measure of the strength of unions.The results show that discrimination against women does not affect the median annual earnings of males, but that the greater the discrimination against women, the more equal the male earnings distribution. This means that while men as a whole do not earn more because of sexual discrimination, the poorer paid whites do benefit somewhat at the expense of women, while the better paid males lose. It also means that while men, in a given state, are concentrated in the better paying jobs because of earnings discrimination against women, the median pay of those better paying jobs is somewhat less than it is in those states where earnings discrimination is less. Sexual discrimination does not appear to be a divisive force undermining working-class solidarity. Thus racism and sexism are not analogous phenomena in their effect on the working class.