ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00298.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00299.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The case for legal restrictions on gun ownership and use as a strategy for reducing criminal violence relies on factual assumptions about the nature of gun ownership and violent behavior. Five of the most crucial ones are identified and subjected to a comparison with the available empirical evidence. All of the following assumptions were found to be substantially at variance with the evidence: (1) Guns are five times deadlier than the weapons most likely to be substituted for them in assaults in which guns are not available. (2) The sight of a gun can elicit aggression, due to the learned association between guns and violence. (3) If guns are made more expensive, more difficult to obtain, or legally risky to own, people will do without them. (4) Guns are useless for self‐defense or protection of one's family, home, or business, and have no deterrent effect on criminals. (5) Homicides are largely “crimes of passion” committed by otherwise law‐abiding citizens not distinguishable from other people. Therefore, control must be directed at all gun owners rather than select criminal su

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00300.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Consensus has not been reached on whether a relationsip exists among violent crime, fear of crime, and firearms ownership. The questions addressed here are how, if at all, the neighborhood environments of urban blacks and whites affect their patterns and levels of gun ownership, what their attitudes are toward gun regulation, and whether there is a relationship between gun regulation attitudes and firearms ownership. Data collected through a mail questionnaire from white and black residents of high and low homicide risk neighborhoods in Detroit were used to test the questions. Results indicate, for the most part, that blacks and whites hold different attitudes toward gun regulation, that gun regulation attitudes affect gun ownership patterns, and that only in one instance did neighborhood environment explain gun ownership relatively well.

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00301.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article is not about the gun control issue per se; instead, it considers the way in which this issue has been treated by social scientists. The article points to some of the shortcomings in what is commonly referred to as the conventional social scientific approach to controversial social matters. While the subject examined in the article is gun control, other equally controversial issues, such as school busing or the legalization of marijuana, could have been used as well to make the same points.SUMMARYUsing the gun control issue as a case in point, this article has argued that the conventional social scientific treatment of controversial social phenomena often has much more in common with sagecraft than it does with social science. The social scientific treatment of the gun issue passed on to the general public through magazine articles, the published findings of various social‐science‐assisted commissions, and social science textbooks, is generally identical to the pro‐gun control argument accepted by that segment of American society with which the more prominent social scientists are more likely to identify—namely urban, college educated, philosophically and politically liberal, upper‐middle class, or cosmopolitan America. It would appear that cosmopolitan ethnocentrism and the sage orientation that it fosters do little to encourage the intellectual curiosity and skepticism so vital to the social scientific e

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00302.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Opinion survey data have been used to assert that the public's desire for serious gun control has been blocked by the “gun lobby.” This construction is opposed by a survey‐based counter construction developed by the gun lobby. The superiority of the gun lobby's construction is supported by this article's survey data and by analysis of actual elections in 1976 in Massachusetts and in 1982 in California. What blocks the public from getting strict gun control is that the public does not wa

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00303.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This analysis attempts to measure the impact of state laws upon the rates of gun violence. While controlling for several standard social phenomena and using two different statistical techniques, it appears that laws governing the use of handguns in the various states have little effect on the rates of gun crime. It is suggested that the possible reason for such ineffectiveness is not necessasrily the nature of the solutions (laws), but rather the misunderstanding of the problem (gun violence) by policy implementers.

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00304.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Most of the debate over gun control policy has slighted the possible relationship between such policies and the distribution of political power. Five political functions of firearms control laws are discussed and examples are provided.

ISSN:0265-8240    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9930.1983.tb00305.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1983

数据来源: WILEY