摘要:

Abstract.In this paper I discuss possible structural analyses of attributive adjectives. I agrue that attributive adjectives should be given the same basic structure as predicative adjectives. Attributive adjectives are analysed as lexical heads, taking the noun as its right hand specifier. I show that this analysis, the SpecA‐analysis, can account for a wide range of data concerning attributive adjectives. The paper addresses questions such as adjectival agreement, independently used adjectives, blocking effects caused by ajectives, head‐movement of adjectives, and binding relations within the adjectival phr

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1993.tb00841.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.The central hypothesis in this paper is that a predicate NP is a maximal projection which is an open expression, meaning that it has an A‐trace in its highest spec‐position functioning as a predicate variable, while an argument NP is a closed expression, meaning that it has the head of an A‐chain, usuallyproin its highest spec‐position. The distribution of articles, definite as well as indefinite, in combination with various attributes is explained largely as a consequence of licensing conditions on the highest spec‐position and the categories it hosts. In addition some hitherto unnoticed facts concerning possessors in predicate NPs are

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1993.tb00842.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.This paper is about the morphology of Scandinavian adjectives in definite DPs, traditionally known as theweakparadigm of adjectival inflection. It will be argued that these morphological endings, referred to asdummy affixes,are licensed by the definiteness features in the head of DP. Dummy affixes share certain morphological and syntactic properties with anaphoric clitics in Romance languages: both are poor in phi‐features and both are submitted to strict locality conditions. The proposed analysis of dummy affixation can be extended to account for the structure of DP and thedouble definitenessphenomenon in languages like Norwegian and Swedis

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1993.tb00843.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.This article examines the distribution of the double definiteness construction in Swedish, where definite noun phrases appear with both a pre‐nominal definite article and a post‐nominal suffixal definite article. It is argued that the prenominal article is inserted to support features in D° only when the head noun plus the suffixal article cannot raise into D° and support the features there. The head noun fails to raise to D° in three contexts: in emphatic expressions, where the suffixal article cannot support the emphasis at PF; with pre‐nominal adjectives, where N° remains in situ to license adjectival inflection and where there is an intervening head that prevents the head noun from rais

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1993.tb00844.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.This paper develops a (QP and a) DP analysis of the Icelandic NP, dealing primarily with prenominal modifiers and postnominal genitives. The paper argues that prenominal quantifiers and determiners head their own projections (QP and DP), whereas attributive adjectives are head‐adjoined to nouns. In addition, it is suggested that the minimal NP in morphological case languages, such as Icelandic and German, is a complement of a functional head, K, that hosts an m‐case feature, and attracts nouns, either in LF, as in German, or in ‘overt syntax’, as in Icelandic. Thus, the general noun‐genitive order in Icelandic possessive constructions is derived by overt N‐mo

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1993.tb00845.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.In this paper I provide an account of morphological concord within the noun phrase, based largely on data from the Scandinavian languages. I adopt several proposals from the HPSG framework of Pollard&Sag 1993 (henceforth P&S), mainly certain formal mechanisms for ensuring that two nodes in a tree share feature specifications. I integrate with those proposals the DP hypothesis (Hellan 1985, Abney 1987). The combination of the DP hypothesis with the HPSG concept of structure‐sharing yields a very simple and effective treatment for concord effects without recourse to abstract movement, ad‐hoc functional heads, or vaguely defined ‘agreement’ relations holding between arbitrarily determined structural pos

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1993.tb00846.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY