摘要:

The distinction between positive and negative goals is important in the psychology of peace because it affects the way people respond to the threat of nuclear war. An orientation toward the negative goal of avoiding war has been a priority because of the great danger of the nuclear threat and also because negative means and goals, being primarily reactive, more concrete, and more oriented to short‐term objectives than positive goals, are more conducive to action. However, there are unfortunate consequences of too exclusive a concentration on avoiding war: inadequate conceptualization of a positive, more easily maintained goal of peace, and increased anxiety resulting in poor‐quality thinking about ways to achieve peace. Choosing positive means of working toward peace is consonant with peace as a positive goal, and it compensates for some of the disadvantages of an exclusive focus on avoiding a nuclear confrontat

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02060.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

That images of the future motivate behavior in the present is a theory with both socio‐historical and psychological evidence. Due to the difficulty of generating positive images of the future in the nuclear age, in contrast to the Utopian imagery of earlier ages, an experimental workshop was developed by Boulding and Ziegler to help people imagine positive futures—specifically, to image a future world without weapons. The workshop procedures are described, and three case examples are given of imaging groups with widely different background characteristics. Participants were able to create positive imagery in the workshop setting, and their imagery varied according to the background of the participating group. The paper explores the relationships among the intensity of the imaging experience, its saliency for the imager, and the action readiness of the imager; and it raises questions about the role of imaging workshops in the peace movement and the kinds of research that might make such workshops more effect

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02061.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The relations between peace activism and the Utopian, anticipatory, sympathetic, and compensatory functions of the imagination are explored, and the results of a group process using inner dialogue to help participants understand the dynamics of their relation to peace activism are analyzed. Social action is viewed here as arising in part from a successful negotiation between inner voices that inhibit progressing from the awareness of social problems into action and voices that encourage this integration of awareness and action. A revised group method to facilitate and sustain peace action in one's life is described, building on both my findings and Elise Boulding's work on imagining a peaceful future.

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02062.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Psychologists who wish to promote peace and justice must investigate how to mobilize the political will of the people in order to improve the policy making of the elite. This is the second study in a program of action research designed to investigate ways of encouraging people to accept personal responsiblity for influencing governmental foreign policy. It reports an attempt to create an ideal educational experience—a peace fair—that would provide the set of conditions that the first study suggested were essential for the acceptance of personal responsibility. The fair was successful in convincing individuals that they personally could do something to help prevent nuclear war. However, it revealed a serious weakness in the current peace movement—an inability to portray convincingly a course of national action that could promote peace and justice. This is an essential component for efficient action. Suggestions are made for the next round of res

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02063.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article explores ways to shape individual personalities, societies, and the relations among them, with the ultimate aim of diminishing inter group hostility and war. The evolution described in the article requires committed individuals and groups to work for change. Certain human proclivities, such as us‐them differentiation, the devaluation of outgroups, and stereotyping are sources of intergroup hostility. Socialization practices by parents and schools that promote positive connection to and caring about people are described, as well as ways to bring about their use. Parent training and family system diagnoses can impart awareness and skills and influence parental attitudes. On a societal level, institutions and culture can be shaped by creating systems of positive reciprocity among groups, by cross‐cutting relations among members of different groups, and by other steps along the continuum of benevole

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02064.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Research psychologists cannot tell us the ultimate motives behind Soviet foreign policy or the true causes of the cold war. They can, however, use content analysis methods with records of successful application in other contexts to explore the links between rhetoric and action in American‐Soviet relations. This article describes a series of studies on the integrative complexity of American and Soviet foreign policy rhetoric. An ongoing time‐series study (1945–1986) reveals a variety of determinants of policy rhetoric: the rhetoric of the other side, impending or current policy initiatives, American presidential election campaigns, and changes in both the American and Soviet leadership. The paper also describes preliminary work on the integrative complexity of statements of key Soviet leaders on economic and foreign policy issues, demonstrating that the current Soviet leader, Mikhail Gorbachev, is significantly more complex than either his immediate predecessors or his traditionalist rivals for the leadership. The article considers implications of the “Gorbachev effect” for our understanding of domestic Soviet politics and for designing American policy toward the Sov

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02065.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The present paper differentiates the political objectives of nuclear disarmament, nuclear arms control, and peace, and it selectively reviews psychological research relevant to each of these areas. The term nuclear disarmament—originally intended to indicate the complete elimination of nuclear weapons—is now commonly used to describe the reduction of any militarily operational nuclear weapons. Nuclear arms control, or the regulation of the nuclear arms race, includes attempts to (a) reduce the perceived probability that nuclear weapons will be used; (b) limit damage in the event that nuclear weapons are used, intentionally or unintentionally; (c) reduce the economic burden posed by various weapon systems; or (d) improve international relations through military restraint. In contrast to nuclear arms control and nuclear disarmament, there is no generally accepted definition of peace in the nuclear age. Peace has been defined variously as (a) the prevention or cessation of armed conflict, (b) a state of active cooperation, or (c) a condition resulting from the absence of unmet ne

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02066.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Commensurate security is proposed as a national defense paradigm that will compete increasingly with those of nuclear deterrence and arms control for the attention of the peoples and governments of Europe. The paradigm includes the concepts of threat assessment, unprovocative armaments, territorial defense, civilian resistance, and restructuring of military forces to provide better utilization of a nation's defense resources. It addresses the common weakness of deterrence and arms control, their reliance on nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass destruction. Nations' adoption of commensurate security will stimulate the emergence of a composite paradigm integrating aspects of current models but increasingly focused on defense of homeland and avoidance of offensive threat.

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02067.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

We distinguish between the typical sort of short‐range conflict management, in which governments must engage, and the long‐term processes of conflict resolution, which must include the involvement of entire societies and the replacement of adversarial relations with cooperative ones. How can third parties facilitate conflict resolution? This article discusses five principles that have evolved from attempts to facilitate conflict resolution in the Mideast: enhancement of each adversary'sidentity, creation ofnew symbols, enfranchisementof elementswithineach of the conflict groups, enhancement ofindigenous development, and use ofindigenous third parties. We argue that this nongovernmental facilitation of conflict resolution (with governmental tacit cooperation) is the real alternative to terror

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02068.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

An approach to peace is called “positive” here if, in addition to appearing as a realistic means toward peace, it is inherently attractive and morally unobjectionable. Positive approaches include drastic reduction of nuclear weapons (bilateral if possible, but unilateral if necessary), total elimination of first‐strike nuclear weapons, a wholehearted no‐first‐use policy in actions as well as in words, humanization of our own diabolical image of the U.S.S.R., cultivation of realistic empathy and global consciousness, drastic reduction of fear appeals by the peace movement, and cultivation of realistic hope. However, some “negative” actions are also well worth considering as paths to peace: retention of approximately 5% of our present nuclear strength, retention of “adequate” conventional strength, realistic criticism of the U.S.S.R., occasional use of fear appeals, and guarding against unrealistic hope. As a model of positive reasoning and a source of useful references, an imaginary dialogue is presented in which a peace activist answers, in a factual and two‐sided way, a number of highly skeptical hawkish questions. Learning to answer such questions effectively may add to both immediate effectiveness and long‐term hope with

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1988.tb02069.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY