摘要:

Abstract.In concluding a recent analysis of the conditions for trade union wage restraint, Colin Crouch asks ‘what neocorporatist unions gain for their members in exchange for restraint?’. An attempt to answer this question is made, first by examining a range of policy outcomes which may be regarded as measures of possible union gains, and, second, by analyzing the problem in terms of indexes measuring possible trade‐offs between union objectives. It is suggested that an analysis in these latter terms offers a far more cogent explanation of trade union wage restraint than can be provided by looking at policy outcome measures separ

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00883.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1987

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Almost thirty years ago Lipset published his well‐known article ‘Democracy and working‐class authoritarianism’. His central thesis is that the working class more than other social classes, is predisposed to authoritarian and anti‐democratic attitudes. Several authors have criticized this thesis, especially by questioning Lipset's concept of democracy. Our approach is somewhat different in that in our opinion Lipset's conceptualization and measurement of social class is inaccurate and inappropriate. Using an empirical class model elaborated by Eric Olin Wright, our findings do not show that the working class is more authoritarian than other social classes. Education and not social class seems to be the most important factor. It is concluded that the measurement of social class is crucial to whether the theory of working‐class authoritarianism is empirically supported or not. Some theoretical consequences are briefl

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00884.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1987

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractA number of the basic assumptions made by economic theories of democracy are tested by means of a general model of the formation of citizens’ attitudes towards changes in public spending. The test is performed on Danish individual‐level data in combination with city‐level data. The results generally confirm the validity of some of the assumptions of economic theories of democracy: that people have some knowledge of public policies, that they react accordingly, and that some sort of cost benefit calculus is at work because attitudes to some extent are a function of individual self‐interest. On the other hand, the model also points towards mechanisms which are indicative of the limitations of narrow self‐interest‐oriented economic reasoning because people's ideologies seem to be more important than self‐interest measures.One can hardly conceive of a theory of representative democracy‐normative or positive‐which is not based on specific assumption about the relationship between public policies and voter attitudes. This relationship is a two‐way relationship. On the one hand, voter attitudes are assumed to influence public policies either through the voting process or through more direct processes such as, for example, organized pressure. Second, public policies are assumed to affect voter attitudes. If, for instance, public policies change in a direction favoured by voters, it is expected that voters become more satisfied.The purpose of this article is to test the latter relation. The proposition to be tested is:Preferences for higher public spending are negatively related to thelevelof services, thelevelof taxation, theincreasesin services, and theincreasesin taxation.The test is based on individual level data and on aggregated measures of local spending, service levels and taxation. In order to perform the test a general model explaining voter attitudes will be formulated. The model comprises four major explanatory categories: public policies, private benefit indicators, ideology and political

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00885.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1987

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Within the arena of international politics the European Community sometimes acts as an actor, but sometimes it does not. As is shown in this article:‘traditional’ European‐integration approaches fail to explain this. The authors introduce an actor concept which seems to overcome such shortcomings. This approach is applied to a study of two action domains of the EC: one on chemicals control policies and non‐tariff trade barriers, and the other on the Multi‐Fibre A

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00886.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1987

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Some prominent economists have argued that the structure of a nation's economic life – capitalist or socialist ‐ helps to shape its political institutions. Though its importance seems self‐evident, scholars have not yet integrated this idea into the literature of empirical democratic theory. Drawing on previous work, we formulate four propositions about the relationship between economic structure and political democracy. Economic structure does in fact mould political forms, but not in a simple, linear fashion. Rather, it does so in a more complex, non‐linear manner, a relationship we label the ‘mixed‐economy’ model. This relationship survives and flourishes in the face of extensive challenges. Its implication is simple: democratic political practice reaches a maximum under moderate amounts of public direction of economic affairs, but suffers at the extremes of both unfettered capitalism

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00887.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1987

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.American and Swedish university and gymnasia students were examined in order to discover whether or not evidence could be found for higher levels of: a) ideological coherence, b) political interest, c) ideological variance, and d) strength of interface between political party preference and political self‐concept on the one hand and socio‐political attitudes on the other for Swedish citizens as compared to American citizens. The results confirmed the hypotheses in almost all cases and the results are discussed in terms of differences between the nations’ political party environ

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1987.tb00888.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1987

数据来源: WILEY