摘要:

Abstract.As Laver (1992) notes, people who write about Irish politics frequently describe Ireland as a rather peculiar place. One aspect of this peculiarity is that voters in the Republic of Ireland do not behave like their European counterparts. In particular, Irish voting patterns appear to be only weakly structured by social class. Recent contributions to the debate employing a more sophisticated categorisation of classes have led to some qualification of the ‘politics without social bases’ description, but still lead to the broad conclusion that any relationship which does exist between social divisions, on the one hand, and party preference, on the other, is, at most, quite marginal. In this paper we draw on data from the 1990 European Values Study to re‐examine this issue. We apply a variety of models to the data, including logit regression and diagonal reference models (Sobel 1981, 1984) to explore the complex fashion in which class and political preferences are related in Ireland. We argue that the relationship between such preferences and social divisions are, in fact, greater than has been hitherto thought. In particular, we show the importance of taking into account not only social class but also class origins and class mobility in understanding the nature of political partisanship in the Republic of Ir

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00436.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1994

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.As European regional autonomy parties, the Scottish National Party and the ItalianLega Nordpresent important similarities in the way they appeal to voters. Both parties, too, have recently been favoured by very similar social and political changes. Yet, of the two parties’ recent electoral advances, that of theLegahas been by far the more striking. This can be explained in terms of the relative inability of theLega's main rival, theDemocrazia Cristiana, to adapt to its challenge. The Scottish National Party's main rival, the Labour Party, is better able to adapt owing to the long‐standing institutionalisation of regional conflict in Brit

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00437.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1994

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.We propose a rational choice model of premature cabinet termination involving considerations of expected gain in terms of electoral payoffs, policy payoffs, or portfolio payoffs. This approach, which distinguishes contextual variables that will generally affect the nature of cost‐benefit calculations made by political actors from the factors that are most likely to have a direct impact on a particular decision to precipitate a cabinet crisis, leads us to several testable hypotheses. We provide a first illustrative test of our predictions with data from the Netherland

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00438.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1994

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.The rational choice assumption is already disputable at the individual level of decisionmaking. At the level of collective decision‐makingunitaryrational action is an unrealistic assumption. It neglects the transitivity of collective preferences issue, the logic of collective action and freeriding, the agency problem, and the human tendency to agree with each other irrespective of the facts. While unitary rational action is rejected as a basis for theorizing on international relations and war, the idea of decision‐making under constraints seems as valid in the interstate context as in economics. The most important constraints on national security decision‐making are the anarchical character of the international system and the corresponding need for self‐help, the security and the territorial delimitation dilemmas, the presence or absence of plausible blueprints for victory, and the presence or absence of domestic constraints on bellicosity. A simple explanatory model of war built on these ideas is suggested and tested with dyadic data for the 1962–1980 period. In addition, there is some discussion of why collective security is doomed to fail, and why hegemony rather than balance improve the prospects

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00439.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1994

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Comparative political analysis at the macro‐level of political systems can reduce the inevitably high complexity of such comparisons by the systematic matching or contrasting of cases, depending on the particular problem. Such ‘most similar systems’ or ‘most different systems’ designs, in Przeworski&Teune's terminology, thus constitute one of the major ways out of the usual ‘small N—many variables’ dilemma. This paper proposes a detailed and comprehensive method to establish such similarities and dissimilarities in a systematic and at all stages transparent way. The examples chosen refer to an analysis of the conditions of survival or breakdown of democratic systems in the inter‐war

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1994.tb00440.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1994

数据来源: WILEY