摘要:

Abstract.This paper investigates three propositions about economic growth. It rejects the proposition that differences in the size of the agricultural sector or in opportunities to reallocate resources from this sector to other sectors of the economy significantly contribute to the explanation of differential growth rates among industrialized democracies. It supports Olson's proposition that long lasting democracies suffer from an accumulation of distributional coalitions whose rent‐seeking activities retard economic growth. It also supports the proposition that the welfare state contributes to economic decline. Technically, this paper applies cross‐sectional and pooled regression analyses of growth rates on employment in agriculture as a percentage of civilian employment, age of democracy, and social security transfers as a percentage of GDP. Data refer to the 1960–82 period and 19 na

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00847.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.The decline in support for traditional political parties in a number of Western democracies is often attributed to the effects of recent educational expansion and a consequent rise in cognitive mobilisation in the electorate. The thesis that support for the two major parties in Britain is lowest among the young educated is tested here, using survey data for the period 1964–1983. The analysis indicates that for only a short time in the early 1970s was there evidence of such a relationship, and that differences in major‐party support which are related to age and to educational achievement have all but disappeared by the 1980s. Moreover, the findings cast serious doubt upon the validity of current operationalisations of ‘cognitive mobilisa

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00848.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Educational expansion has been a major change in the sociological profile of post‐war Western democracies, whilst various theses have long been advanced about correlations between educational levels and politics. Several of these theses are examined for the atypical British case of educational change, drawing upon new survey data from the 1983 British Election Survey. It is concluded that there is no simple ‘educational effect’ which explains recent political trends towards a decline of partisanship, political realignment, and the rise of the All

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00849.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Summary.The aim of the study is to analyze when and why Norwegian governments carry out expansive decisions rather than contractive ones. Following the politico‐economic approach, it is proposed that both the governmental re‐election prospects and economic indicators may influence macro‐economic decision making.The article attempts to employ this framework in an empirical analysis of events data, i.e. in an analysis of 318 decision events spread throughout the period from 1964 to 1984. Unemployment is the major determinant of macro‐economic policies. The hypothesis of political business‐cycle receives only limited empirical support, and there is little reliable evidence of socialist governments responding differently to economic and political factors compared to borgeois go

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00850.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.The phenomenon of ETA derives from the interaction of two factors: Basque nationalism and Francoism. The fundamental elements of ETA, both ideological and strategical‐political, were already well defined and developed in the Basque nationalism of the pre‐war period, particularly in its intransigent and radical sector represented byAberriandJagi‐Jagigroups. Later, ETA acquired characteristics of its own which separated it from the traditional nationalism. The regime of terror and repression imposed by Francoism exerted a fundamental influence on this state of affairs, inclining ETA definitively towards extremely radical and intransigent postures. In this way the activism of ETA arose. This activism should be understood as the sublimation of praxis to the detriment of theory, and the structure of ETA as an armed group and the adoption of a third world, anticolonialist‐style guerrilla s

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00851.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.The article focuses on the cycle of protest that developed in Italy during the late 1960s and early 1970s. Some hypotheses on the evolution of the repertoires of action are tested with the aim of explaining the emergence of political violence during a cycle of protest. Newspaper‐based data are presented on the proportional presence of violent forms of action, on the social and ideological groups involved in political violence, and on the grievances expressed during violent protests. The widespread political violence that developed in Italy in the early 1970s is explained as an internally differentiated strategic adaptation within the social movement sector, during a cycle of protests that was disorderly but far from violen

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00852.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Northern Ireland has suffered consistently from the effects of political violence since the late 1960s. This article argues that anyone who engages in political violence seeks legitimation for his acts and it assesses the attempts by Republicans and Loyalists in Northern Ireland to legitimate their violence. The legitimation of both Loyalist and Republican violence is shown to consist of arguments drawn from a wide range of theoretical traditions by no means confined to Northern Ireland. Republicans draw upon nationalism, Catholicism and Marxism whilst Loyalists make use of contractarian ideas and Protestant theology. Both sides have been relatively successful in persuading potential supporters of the legitimacy of their activities. The article concludes by analysing weaknesses in each attempt at legitimation and by indicating how the diversity of the rival packages may prove counterproductive in the long run. The capacity of each group to generate the additional support needed to achieve its ends is seriously doubted.

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00853.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.In common with many other Western European countries, the issue of nuclear weapons rose to political prominence in Britain in the course of the 1980s. However, whereas the issue was often taken up by newly formed environmentalist parties elsewhere, it differentiated the traditional parties one from the other in Britain. This was made possible by the Labour party's manifesto commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament. This article details the views of the British electorate on the nuclear issue and assesses its importance for individual voting patterns in the 1983 general election. The electorate shows itself able to distinguish between, and hold opposing views on, nuclear weapons in principle and control over them in practice. Its general support for them, however, means that Labour's perceived hostility to them cost it a considerable number of votes in net terms. These losses could have been mitigated, perhaps even turned into gains, had the party emphasised the security problems stemming from Britain's lack of control over American nuclear weapons on its soil.

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00854.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00855.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1986.tb00856.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY