摘要:

Abstract.Although there has been considerable research on the changing politics of women in advanced industrial societies, there has been little consistent, cross‐national research to identify the sources of these changes. This paper uses closely comparable data collected in 11 countries in the early 1980s to examine gender differences in political alignments. The results show that in 10 of the 11 countries, women are more conservative than men, by differing degrees. The exception is Australia, where women are more leftwing than men. The sources of these gender differences are shown to be differential levels of workforce participation and religiosity between men and women. Once these and other factors are taken into account through multivariate analysis, women follow the Australian pattern and emerge as more leftwing than men in six of the 10 countries. In the remaining four countries, greater female conservatism is substantially reduced once these factors are taken into account. Various explanations to account for these patterns are discusse

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00193.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Electoral manifestos are a key instrument of democratic political parties in their quest for popular support. This article investigates the contents of postwar Norwegian party manifestos. The analysis builds on the saliency theory of party competition. Methodologically, it replicates the factor analysis of Budge, Robertson, and Hearl (1987). Four factors are uncovered. Two of these can be identified with the left‐right dimension, one with the moral‐religious axis, and one with material centre‐periphery conflicts. A high degree of interparty consensus and convergence is evident, particularly prior to 1970. The results are generally consistent with previous research on Norwegian mass and party pol

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00194.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.The ‘mandate theory’ of democracy rests on the idea that electors choose political parties on the basis of the alternative government programmes they offer during an election campaign. Thus, the question of whether or not programmes are fulfilled in government is central in assessing the effectiveness of democratic processes. In its election manifesto for the 1981 general election the then opposition socialist party, PASOK, proposed a radical reform of Greek society. The degree to which its proposals were actually implemented in its first period of office (1981–85) points up the constraints facing any reformist party trying to fulfil its promises. Following recently published research on pledge fulfilment in Britain and Canada, this study identifies the definite pledges made by PASOK in its 1981 electoral manifesto and checks how far they actually found their way into government outputs up to 1985.The main findings are that PASOK clearly promised important reforms in 1981 and to a considerable extent implemented

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00195.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.In this paper we present a result about Peleg's theory of coalition formation in dominated simple games (Peleg 1981). Further, a connection between Peleg's theory and Riker's minimum size theory (Riker 1962, Riker and Ordeshook 1973) is established. This connection leads to a new theory of coalition formation in simple games.

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00196.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.It is generally held that coups are the start of full military intervention. As a consequence, studies intent on contrasting the performance of ‘military’ as opposed to ‘civilian’ governments have used the event of a military coup as the essential criterion for distinction. The evidence clearly shows, however, that the distinction is not so easily drawn. Further, consideration of the only systematic attempt to delineate types of military regimes in respect of civilian involvement suggests that the dichotomised view of military and civilian regimes should be replaced by attention being drawn to power and force in all political systems. This view is supported by a classification of Third World political systems which reflects these two dimensions. Ironically, the study of military governments installed by coups d'état has actually served to obscure the importance of force in

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00197.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Voter turnout for the 1984 presidential election in the USA was 30 percent lower than the last parliamentary election in Norway (1985). Similarities among the factors which explains non‐voting in the two nations are apparent, but the factors unique to each country are important for understanding the difference in turnout level as well as patterns of non‐participation. While the Norwegian non‐voters are in a transient situation where youth and limited life‐cycle experience determine non‐voting, factors effecting American non‐voters are more permanent. In particular, if socio‐economic resources are not acquired in youth, the development of political involvement and participation will

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00198.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY