摘要:

For those rejecting the idea of an objective “national interest,” the problem of evaluating the efficacy of foreign policies begins with establishing foreign policy goals. Yet the full complexity of foreign policy goals is frequently underestimated. As a standard for evaluating foreign policy, such goals must be specified in geographical and conceptual scope, temporal range and ranking. A further methodological difficulty lies in deriving such goals from the words and deeds of national leaders. Among the problems in this area are deciding whose goals are national goals, and at what moment one should identify them. Collectively, these difficulties probably doom any truly scientific evaluation of foreign policy, but it is not certain that they render any objective judgment impossible, as some post‐modernist analysis sug

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00076.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Russian and American efforts convinced the three non‐Russian states to forsake their nuclear inheritances. Belarus and Kazakhstan concluded that the costs of maintaining their inheritance exceed any security benefits which the weapons may provide. Ukraine has been obstinate but even it has apparently concluded that its nuclear inheritance is too expensive to maintain, not a sufficient deterrent, and an impediment to better relations with the West. Yet, Ukraine's record of backing away from its commitments suggests that the story may not be overLiberalism argues that Ukraine risks becoming an outlaw state by refusing to become a non‐nuclear state. Realism argues that Ukraine must provide for its own securiy and that the US would not break all ties with Ukraine. Ukraine's international orientation will depend upon how the US treats it and a nuclear Ukraine could be tied to the

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00077.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Many studies of state politics hold that a governor's success in his or her dealings with the state's legislature is at its height during the executive's initial legislative session and then decreases as the final year approaches. The purpose of this paper is to examine the validity of this generally accepted assumption. This work tests the hypothesis that governors serving out the concluding year of their term are lame ducks. An analysis of the legislative passage and amendment rates of two governors of Virginia, Gerald Baliles (1986–1989) and L. Douglas Wilder (1990–1993), during their first and last years reveals that lame duck theory is suspect. Both of the executives achieved first and last year passage and amendment percentages which were more congruous than one might expect. Other variables besides Governors Baliles' and Wilder's time in office affected their ability to gain the passage of their legislative propos

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00078.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Divided government has been a defining characteristic of American politics over the last forty years. Despite the prominence of divided government as an institutional regime, little research has sought to determine the consequences of divided government for inter‐branch conflict. I summarize the debate over the consequences of divided government, and posit four models of inter‐branch policy agreement that emerge from these arguments. The seat aggregation hypothesis holds that increased policy agreement is a function of the president's party amassing seats in Congress. Three additional models are grounded in the expectations of critics of divided government. I demonstrate, using data that measure inter‐branch policy agreement, that united government increases policy agreement between the branches. Divided government as an institutional arrangement has an effect on policy agreement that is independent of

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00079.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

In this study I explore the relationship between partisan votes and seat allocation in US state lower‐house elections. Specifically, I measure the partisan bias (asymmetry in the seats‐votes relationship) of 441 lower house state legislative elections in 46 states from 1968 to 1987. I then test to see if redistricting affects the level of partisan bias found in the election immediately subsequent to the redistricting. The results of the analysis are mixed. While party control of redistricting does have the hypothesized effect in eight of the nine election years, only in 1970, 1976, and 1982 do gerrymandering effects reach statistical significance. The results support recent studies that suggest that gerrymandering at the state level is not always successfully attempted but does occasionally oc

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00080.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The U.S. Supreme Court's ruling in UAW v. Johnson Controls rejected employers' use of sex‐specific fetal protection policies to exclude female employees from working in hazardous work areas. Although the Court was unanimous in striking down the policy instituted by Johnson Controls, the less‐than‐clear language of the opinion made the implementation and impact of the Court's decision uncertain. A review of the responses by employers and other affected political actors indicates that the Court's ruling was almost self‐executing, with little resistance and few challenges by those charged with enforcing the Court's decision. However, many political actors have sought to use the Court's decision to further other political interests beyond those of fetal protection—a U.S. senator used the case to impeach a Supreme Court nominee; employers manipulated the Court's language to justify the non‐accommodation of pregnant employees; and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission broadly interpreted the opinion in advancing arguments in other, non‐fetal protection related, cases. All of these actors functioned as “spin doctors” in trying to manipulate the Court's language to meet their own pol

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00081.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

With communism's collapse, the democratization of the economy might appear to be the specter haunting the new world order. Indeed, proponents have called for economic democracy as a prerequisite of both political freedom and social justice. They argue that extending democracy to the economy overcomes the limits of popular participation in modern representative government, remedies the subordination of politics to privileged social groups, and provides a training ground for political involvement. In addition, they maintain that democratizing the economy is necessary to realize economic freedom and curtail economic inequality. All these arguments neglect the distinction between civil society and the state and between social and political freedom. When this distinction is observed, the call to democratize the economy gets supplanted by the challenge of regulating markets to insure equal economic opportunity and to prevent economic factors from undermining the autonomy of politics and the equal political opportunity of citizens.

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00082.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The purpose of this paper is to explain the major institutional developments in the Virginia budget process from the 1960s. During this time the budget process within the legislature became more open, participatory, and partisan. Meanwhile, conflict between the governor and the General Assembly grew more intense. These developments are explained by a combination of institutional reforms that strengthened the legislature, changes in political conditions that enhanced the role of the Republican party in a traditionally Democrat‐dominated institution, and fiscal constraints. We draw some preliminary comparisons with legislatures in other state

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00083.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Much of what we know about turnout in American elections is based on national surveys of voters participating in presidential elections. Much less is known about voter participation in other types of elections. Using verified turnout and registration data, we surveyed registered voters to determine the demographic and attitudinul differences between two groups of voters: those who participated only in presidential elections and others who participated in midterm congressional, state, and local elections as well as presidential elections. We find that age, education, gender, social connectedness, personal contact with local public officials, and satisfaction with government services are significant factors in explaining electoral participation by registered voters.

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00084.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Book reviewed in this article:Mary Jo Bane and David T. Ellwood.Welfare Realities: From Rhetoric to Reform.Sheldon Danziger, Gary D. Sandefur, and Daniel H. Weinberg, eds.Paul Pierson.Dismantling the Welfare State? Reagan, Thatcher, and the Politics of Retrenchment.

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1995.tb00085.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1995

数据来源: WILEY