ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00254.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00255.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00256.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00257.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00258.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00259.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Summary and ConclusionsTo observe influence in the personalized ephemeral politics of a southern legislature, we used three measures. The first — attributes of influences — employed individual, district, and ideological characteristics. The second — reputation for influence — utilized reputation for effectiveness in the legislative process and reputation as one from whom advice is sought. The third measured actually getting something from the legislative process. We devised a new method of indexing this, developing a Ten‐Point Continuum which indicated how far members' bills had gotten along the legislative route.Before summarizing the above relationships, it should be noted that bills are handled (conflict resolved) in a definite pattern in this southern state legislature, and this pattern is consistent over time and across chambers. The pattern is first that most bills are enacted. The personalized style of southern politics is reflected in a “politics of accommodation” of as many members as possible. Second, among those bills not enacted, most (about half) are stymied at the very earliest stage, either by the sponsor withdrawing it or the committee simply taking no action. Third, the remaining half of bills not enacted are defeated over the wide variety of possible maneuvers.Regarding relationships, in general the two measures of influence are affected by individual legislator and district characteristics only weakly to mildly, while seniority and institutional position display moderately strong associations. Success at getting bills passed is weakly influenced by any personal, district or institutional factors. Moreover, the direction of the relationships are not always consistent. The association between the measures of influence and success at bill‐enactment is very weak to non‐existent. (The two measures of reputation are moderately related).We are not surprised to find these relationships in a legislature that operates on personalized politics. In such a system, as many members are accommodated as possible. This is reflected in the bill‐passage rate, which is the highest among American state legislatures (Rosenthal: 258). If most members get what they want, then individual and district characteristics, as well as reputation for influence are not crucial. Seniority and institutional positions provide the bases for reputational influence and contribute mildly to members' capacity to get their bills enacted. The exceedingly low or non‐existent relationship between gender and influence/bill‐passage success is encouraging; the slight, but negative relationship between race and bill‐passage success requires continued attention and study. Finally, we suspect that variables not conceptualized in this research may account for considerable influence in one party‐no party state legislatures, variables such as interpersonal skills, ambition, and willingness to work at legislative tasks other than

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00260.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00261.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Some Summary CommentsClearly some caution should be exercised in presenting some of these data. As anyone familiar with official sources in Cuba recognizes, figures are almost always presented in the most favorable light possible. This can be expected from virtually any governmental source and is not limited to efforts made by the Cuban government. As anyone who has traveled in Cuba realizes, secondary confirmation of much of the official data is often hard to come by. This is not necessarily because other sources might be contradictory and therefore not available, but that they just do not exist. Personal interviews, subjective observations and other resource people do help. But raw statistical data remain open to further critical review. However, any tendency by the various Cuban sources to inflate the numbers to their official advantages will have the likelihood of being counterproductive. In the future, current figures will have to serve as the base from which judgments about subsequent progress towards the goal of political equality will be measured. All things considered, the various sources of raw data concerning the political status of Cuban women seem reliable.Several conceptual challenges confront those who seek to assess relationships between gender and politics in a particular national setting. Included among the key questions are: (1) At what levels are gender and political linkages significant? (2) Are data available sufficient to make meaningful distinctions? and (3) What systematic explanations can be attributed to a particular national setting?Students of women and politics have a great deal to learn from the Cuban example since the Revolution. Not only did several women figure significantly in the struggle against the Batista regime, the emergence of the Cuban Federation of Women early in the Castro era gave credibility to the claim that the quest for political equality between the sexes was of more than token importance. Gaining official recognition in the new Cuban constitution as a mass organization is further evidence of the organization's ability to consolidate and support political gains for Cuban women.Additional concrete verification of political influence by women in Cuba can be found in formal organizations of the Cuban political system. The data included in this research note suggest rates of participation for contemporary Cuban women consistently above double‐digit figures. This research note is offered as further food for thought in the important quest toward greater understanding and clarification of the “revolution within a revoluti

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00262.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Mary P. Nichols, Socrates and t h e Political Community: An Ancient Debate.Bloom, Allan, The Closing of the American Mind: How Higher Education has failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students.Robert Coles, The Political Life of Children.Robert Coles, The Moral Life of Children.Self‐Reliance versus Power Politics: The American and Indian ExDeriences in Building Nation State

ISSN:0730-2177    

DOI:10.1111/j.1747-1346.1988.tb00263.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1988

数据来源: WILEY