ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.1002/pam.4050110202

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractCompared with other societies, the United States makes unusually extensive use of adversary institutions for resolving public conflicts—that is, institutions where the job of advocates is to present for a third party the strongest possible case for their own point of view and where responsibility for actual political choice is then left to the third party. This article presents a case for placing greater reliance on “cooperationist institutions,” that is, ones where parties talk with each other rather than to a third party and where the parties attempt to reach agreement among themselves, acceptable to most or all the participants, about the issue in question. The case for cooperationist institutions is argued in terms of the effects of such an institutional design on the development of public spirit among participants in the policymaking process. The article also considers objections against cooperationist institutions and concludes by making some suggestions about the concrete forms that such institutions might take in the United S

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325364

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractThis article analyzes the impact of the Gramm‐Rudman‐Hollings (GRH) Act on federal budgetary and fiscal outcomes. Rather than portraying it as a two‐on federal budgetary and fiscal outcomes. Rather than portraying it as a two‐party game between Congress and the president, each with monolithic policy preferences, we view GRH as a multiparty negotiation game among advocates of different programs and agencies. In this game, agencies subject to sequestration and their congressional advocates have an incentive to reach a budget accord, while those exempt from sequestration do not. Consistent with this argument, we find that GRH has restrained outlays for nonexempt programs and that exempt programs have, if anything, experienced more rapid growth. Overall, GRH is estimated to have restrained outlays by $59 billion by fiscal 1989, and to have restrained outlays more effectively after the 1987 modifications in the Act. The Gramm‐Rudman‐Hollings Act signals another phase in the decade‐long struggle between the White House and Congress over public spending priorities. Our final counterfactual analysis suggests that GRH partially returned federal fiscal and budgetary relationships and priorities to those that prevailed

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325365

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractMuch recent scholarship and popular discussion posits a substantial movement of African‐American households into the “middle class.” Yet over the course of the 1980s, the proportion of individual black wage‐earners receiving “annualized” (work experience‐adjusted) wages and salaries in excess of about $35,000—three times the poverty line—fell by 22 percent, even as the share of African‐Americans earning below the poverty line increased by a fifth. This was true for all age groups, and even for persons within the black community who had completed four or more years of college. The growth of low wage employment was most pronounced for black men between the ages of 25 and 34, among whom the incidence of below‐poverty‐level employment doubled. Black women aged 35–54 experienced relatively greater progress than any other part of the African‐American community, but their gains lagged far behind those of comparable white women. We speculate on possible explanations for these developments, on the basis of which a potential publi

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325366

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractThis article explores two methodological issues in measuring intergenerational correlations in welfare participation. First, a method is proposed that controls for differences in eligibility as well as participation. Second, the use of event history analysis allows all available information on mothers' and daughters' welfare histories to be used. The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth is used to measure the intergenerational correlation among whites, blacks, and Hispanics. Three broad conclusions emerge. First, parental participation in Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) is correlated with daughters' AFDC participation for whites and Hispanics—daughters living in households that received assistance have higher probabilities of having a child and receiving assistance in the year of first birth than similar daughters whose parents didn't participate (or participated for shorter periods). Second, parents' participation does not seem to be capturing solely the effects of low income which leads to a correlation in mothers' and daughters' eligibility. Finally, the loss of income if the parent does not participate raises the probability that the daughter will receive assistance. The effect of this income loss offsets nearly half of the participation effect for white

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325367

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractNewly available geographical information from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics (PSID) is used to estimate a variety of relationships involving high‐poverty metropolitan census tracts. The longitudinal data from the PSID show a great deal of geographical mobility even for persistently poor adults, with as many as one fourth of certain groups of these entering and leaving poor urban census tracts in a year. At the same time, solution of the transition matrices for various groups—whites and blacks of various income classes, in families with and without children, living in different types of census tracts—in the early 1980s shows the gradual emptying out of poor urban tracts, particularly of whites and blacks in families without children. As a consequence, despite the great degree of geographical “churning,” poor urban areas gradually become poorer, blacker, and the home of a larger share of black families with children. Some of these aggregate trends had been noticed by researchers comparing these areas in the 1970 and 1980 censuses; our more up‐to‐date results demonstrate the relationships between the micro a

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325368

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractIn the 1980s state governments adopted an entrepreneurial stance and established an extensive array of programs targeted at encouraging university industry research collaboration, the commercial development of new technologies, the start‐up of new firms, and the technological modernization of existing firms. Although these state programs are frequently presented as laboratories of democracy, their relevance to national science and technology policy is open to question. State R&D strategies reflect contrasting theories about the linkages among academic research, technological innovation, economic growth, and administrative practices. Evaluations of state technology programs have essentially remained fixed at dead center, as unproven undertakings. State experiences have not been couched in analytical frameworks conducive to assessments of national science and technology policie

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325369

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325371

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325372

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0276-8739    

DOI:10.2307/3325373

出版商:Wiley Subscription Services, Inc., A Wiley Company    

年代:1992

数据来源: WILEY