ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01239.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTDuring 1953 through 1979 estimated, the U.S. economy has exhibited a roller‐coaster economic performance–six periods of inadequate upturn, stagnation, and recession, with achronicrise in unemployment because each upturn at its peak has tended to leave us with more unemployment than the previous one. During the period as a whole, we have forfeited 7.1trillion1978 dollars in GNP and 80.8 million years of civilian employment opportunities, and consequently lost about 1.8 trillion dollars in public revenues at all levels, with severe neglect of national priorities, and chronically rising Federal Budget deficits. This sorry record is due primarily to reliance upon a “trade‐off” between unemployment and inflation. But empirical evidence for more than a quarter century has demonstrated that inflation rises as unused capabilities increase andvice versa.The annual inflation rate during the first half of 1979 exceeded 13 percent despite recession; it ranged from 1.6–3.0 percent during periods close to full employment. We now need thorough reconstruction of national economic policies, including abandonment of (1) the unemployment‐inflation “trade‐off,” (2) attempts to balance the federal budget at the expense of the economy and the people, (3) the prevalent monetary policy with soaring interest rates, and (4) excessive reliance on tax reductions in lieu of increased public outlays or investment. These changes would replace improvised and frequently conflicting national economic policies with comprehensive and coherent efforts. All this is in accord with the Humphrey‐Hawkins Full Employment and Balan

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01240.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTPassage of the Humphrey‐Hawkins Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978 is the most recent step in the development of a national full employment policy. This article traces the origin of the legislative debate over full employment back to the 1940s, the only previous time that Congress gave serious consideration to full employment legislation. It analyzes the conflicting economic and political interests and philosophies that led to the defeat of the Full Employment Bill of 1945 and to passage of weaker legislation, the Employment Act of 1946, which dropped the commitment to full employment. The article then traces the contours of unemployment since World War II: recurrent recessions; significant unemployment between recessions; the unequal distribution of joblessness, hitting hardest at groups such as minorities, women, and youths; and growing urban and regional unemployment. Some of the hidden social, human and economic costs of unemployment are explored. So is the relationship between unemployment and crime, poverty, welfare, the urban crisis and inequality. Full employment reemerged as a major issue in the 1970s because of the impetus from groups whose unemployment problems persist between recessions. Coalitions of these groups pressed for a national policy to secure full employment for all groups. This led to passage of the Humphrey‐Hawkins Act. But the controversy over full employment has not ended. Attempts to implement the Act, the article concludes, may heighten underlying controversies over issues such as inflation, wage, price and profit controls, the environment, and job creation and may make full employment one of the leading domestic issues of the 19

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01241.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTHumphrey‐Hawkins, enacted into law as the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, is the most important step the Federal government has taken for overall economic coordination since passage of the Employment Act of 1946. The centerpiece of the new law is specific goals for unemployment and inflation. All Federal programs and policies are to work toward achieving a 3 percent adult and 4 percent overall jobless rate within five years, and inflation rates of 3 percent by 1983 and 0 percent by 1988. The present article outlines the major changes made in Humphrey‐Hawkins from its introduction in June 1974 to its enactment in October 1978, the contents of the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act of 1978, and the politics surrounding its pass

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01242.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTResponding to his 1976 campaign pledge, President Carter has reorganized the federal government's enforcement of equal employment opportunity(EEO) laws. He has done so by shifting some EEO responsibilities from the Civil Service Commission and the Department of Labor to create a “Super‐EEOC”. This article examines why President Carter chose the EEO reorganization that he did from the standpoint of advantages and disadvantages. Also presented are alternative reform options that the President could have selected that would have involved increasing EEO coordination or reorganization entailing new legislation that would have gone far beyond the creation of a “Supe

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01243.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe article reports research on informed opinion as to linkage betweenBakkeand the discretionary use of race in private employment practice. Of particular concern is the legal parallel between the 1964 Civil Rights Act, Title 6 as applied inBakkeand Title 7 as it relates toKaiser Aluminum v. Weberand to other employment cases. The principal research entailed Q‐methodology, a technique allowing respondents to produce and present a structured attitude (mind set) with regard to an issue or controversy. Focus of the study was upon 1) respondent values or norms as to race in employment; 2) opinions as to the impact ofBakkeupon race in employment; and 3) perceptions ofBakkeas portent of things to come. Responses were made in the Fall of 1978. Respondents were from groups indicating interest inBakke, together with university teachers in relevant fields. Factor analysis of responses revealed three principal attitudes. One attitude (Factor I) strongly affirms race‐conscious affirmative action, including quotas, sharply condemned the Supreme Court for abrogating (inBakke) its responsibility for protecting minority rights, and sawBakkeas a portent of unwelcome things. Factor II condemns any consideration of race in programs of admission or employment, predicted some beneficial legacy ofBakke, but was most critical of its deference to racial considerations. Factor III is pragmatic and was supportive of the Supreme CourtBakkedecision, from which it projected beneficial consequences. Factor III accepts the discretionary use of race while rejecting quotas. Survey research conducted by others reveals that a public majority holds opinions most congruent with Factor III. In the employment area specifically, a majority rejects quotas but endorses minority training programs. The 1979Weberdecision gives a limited sanction to voluntary quotas, but does not exceed the range of tolerance set by a public permissive in this particular policy a

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01244.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractA sample of local union officers was surveyed to determine the degree to which they supported the current approach to industrial safety regulation (the setting of safety standards under the Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970) as opposed to an alternative scheme (the imposition of an injury tax). Personal characteristics of the members of the sample were also obtained. These data were matched with the injury frequency rates of the industries in which the officers’ constituents were employed. Individuals surveyed tended to believe OSHA to have been an effective injury deterrent, although there were significant differences among groups within the sample. The establishment of safety standards was strongly supported as the “best” means to control industrial acci

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01245.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTReform of the labor law has been proposed to alleviate allegedly defective procedures and remedies in the present law. In spite of the fact that numerous violations and abuses of the existing law have taken place over the last several years and that the provisions of the existing law have been inadequate to prevent these violations and abuses, Congress has been unable to pass meaningful reform measures to deal effectively with those inadequacies. The present law allows for long delays in the settling of cases involving alleged unfair labor practices and has become, in the minds of many, a sham which does not protect the rights of workers and, indeed, allows employers to engage in unfair labor practices with very little fear of the consequences. Proponents of labor law reform argue that changes are needed to furnish adequate guarantees that the existing labor law will be effective. The lively debate in Congress over the issue of labor law reform demonstrates that it is one of the most controversial and important questions facing the nation today. Some argue that unless effective reform measures are adopted, workers will continue to labor under the existing ineffective system.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01246.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTIncreasing concentration of economic power within the corporate sector, as well as the extent of corporate control by a few financial institutions such as commercial banks, have been subjects of intense scrutiny and debate in recent years. However, the role of private and public worker retirement trusts in providing power for institutional investors has not been adequately addressed. Pension fund assets, which were relatively inconsequential prior to 1960, and their investment in and share of total corporate equities minor, have grown to over $l410 billion by the end of 1977. In their analysis of and interest in public and private pension trusts, scholars, employers and even employees have tended to emphasize narrow economic issues such as investment performance. It is the central argument of this article that workers’ funds have become a major source of capital in the American economy, and as such have been used to help create and/or sustain practices that adversely impinge on workers themselves. It is argued that pension assets have contributed to: 1) the increasing power of financial institutions; 2) growth of corporate profits that only minimally benefit some pension plan participants; 3)capital shortages for 'socially useful’ investments; and 4)support of corporate enterprises that refuse basic worker demands including unionization itself. The study further suggests that the rapidly growing pension assets have the potential to serve‘the public interest’ as well as the needs of workers. Threat of withdrawal of funds from selected money managers and corporations, and utilization of share–holder voting rights to influence corporate policies can be potent weapons for organized labor. Since this is an exploratory analysis, the aim of the article is to gather, present and clarify basic information on worker pension trusts and to propose alternative avenues for future research in this crit

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01247.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1970 established the National Commission on State Workmen's Compensation Laws. The National Commission was directed to “undertake a comprehensive study and evaluation of State workmen's compensation laws in order to determine if such laws provide an adequate, prompt, and equitable system of compensation”. In 1972 the Commission issued its report, and “criticized many aspects of state workmen's compensation programs”. In its report the Commission made eighty–four recommendations for a “moder” workmen's compensation program and designated nineteen of these as “essential”. This research traces state progress in complying with each of these nineteen essential recommendations. Between 1972 and 1977 many states made significant improvements in their workmen's compensation programs and overall there was a 34 percent increase in compliance during this period. Higher levels of compliance were found to be related to two factors: changes in industrial diversification and the involvement and activity of vitally concerne

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1979.tb01248.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY