摘要:

The rapid growth of enterprise zones during the 1980s has occurred despite the lack of empirical support for its theory of using tax incentives to rebuild inner cities. This paper concludes, after reviewing the literature and assessments made by zone coordinators that enterprise zones, like Head start, have been transformed into a program through which both conservatives and liberals can justify spending on improved community social and infrastructure services.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01801.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article examines why the idea of privacy failed to structure policymaking in the case of the Electronic Communications Privacy Act (ECPA). Although the relatively quick passage of ECPA might appear to be a case of the politics of ideas, the model of interest group politics more simply explains policy making. The analysis of this case suggests several factors as important in establishing the conditions under which a politics of ideas will be realized.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01802.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The toxic waste dispute that is the subject of this article points out one of the troubling ironies of the modem environmental movement. Many groups and individual activists who promoted a national response to the discovery of thousands of toxic waste sites over a decade ago are now leading the struggle to prevent government‐sponsored cleanups. This case study examines the evolution and dynamics of one community's pollution controversy, and then attempts to explain the way in which marginalized environmentalists were able to redefine the toxics debate. Finally, it shows how heal resistence to waste cleanups may shape the next round of environmental policymakin

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01803.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

In examining local economic development incentives, scholars have found it useful to employ typologies of development practices. Such typologies have been based on assumptions that techniques reflect functional categories, such as marketing and financial incentives, or can be organized by the nature of costs and benefits, or by the nature of incentive goals. While useful heuristic devices, little effort has been made to test these typologies empirically. This research note provides an empirically based typology of local economic development incentives, using data from 967 cities collected by the International City Management Association.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01804.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01805.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Past research views presidents as reactive and minor actors in the civilrights policy process. However, that research has focused solely on the latter stages of the policy process. This report views the president's role from an agendasetting perspective. A content analysis reveals that presidents lead public opinion on civil rights, but that the public has little impact on the president's civil rights agenda. The distinction between discretionary and required agenda items explains this asymmetry between the president and the public in civil rights policymaking. A fuller notion of policymaking that includes all stages of the process, from agendasetting to implementation and evaluation, is required to understand the role of the president in civil rights policymaking and leads us to revise the perception that presidents play reactive and minor roles in civil rights policy.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01806.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This chapter compares the public communications of modern presidents across target groups and issue areas of civil rights. We find that attention, support, and symbolism on civil rights vary considerably across individual presidents and political party. Not surprisingly, in their public messages Democratic presidents are more attentive and supportive of civil rights than are Republican presidents. Some results were expected, while others were surprising. Lyndon B. Johnson was attentive and supportive; but, unexpectedly, George H. W. Bush was highly attentive to and quite nonsupportive of civil rights. Also surprisingly, on most indicators, Bush's policy statements were less symbolic and less equivocal than were Ronald W. Reagan's. Most attention is given to blacks as a target group (although this is declining) and to the employment issue area. Overall, the findings reveal the considerable flexibility and discretion in presidents' public communications in the civil rights realm.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01807.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Using an historical approach, this paper assesses the role of the American presidency in the pursuit of civil rights policy. The basic argument is that the drivingforces in the passage of civil rights policies since Reconstruction have been external pressures on the presidency. Rather than being protagonists in the progression of civil rights, presidents are portrayed as political actors primarily interested in maintaining social order and attracting African‐American votes. Rarely have presidents pushed for civil rights progress outside of that contex

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01808.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and Lyndon B. Johnson presented dramatically contrasting styles of leadership in their relationships with Congress. Yet each was successful in securing passage of monumental civil rights legislation in very different political environments. Focusing on the Civil Rights Act of 1957 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, we show that both Eisenhower and Johnson attracted support from the opposition party's faction at the far end of the ideological spectrum while retaining support from his own party's dominant faction. The analysis suggests that it is not the president's leadership style alone that produces legislative results, but a proper mixture of leadership style and the political environment.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01809.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This case study of the enforcement of executive orders shows one of the complexities of presidential administrative leadership. Executive Order No. 11246, designed to implement equal employment opportunity in federal contracts, is the focal point for the study. Ronald W. Reagan wished to make sure that the impact of the executive order was not to impose numerical goals, quotas, or timetables on employers. However, even within his own administration, Secretary of Labor William Brock opposed Reagan's lessening of employment standards. More interestingly, perhaps, the larger contractors also opposed changing the order, thinking that uncertainty and reduced standards might affect them negatively. The study shows that even within the administrative presidency there are limits to presidential influence, as the wishes of the labor secretary and large government contractors prevailed.

ISSN:0190-292X    

DOI:10.1111/j.1541-0072.1993.tb01810.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1993

数据来源: WILEY