摘要:

AbstractWomen have generally been excluded from the ranks of artistic genius in western art. Several authors have pointed to the structural constraints that have prevented women from breaching the ranks of the Great. (Greer 1979; Sutherland Harris and Nochlin 1976; Broude and Garrard 1982; Peterson and Wilson 1976; Fine 1978; Nochlin 1973). To structural constraints, must be added the development, use and elaboration of the concept of genius itself as an important impediment for women. The initial formulation of the concept of artistic genius in fifteenth century Italy provided the foundation for the subsequent gendered conception of artistic genius. An investigation of the humanists’ development of the concept, and its use by the new men of power in fifteenth century Italy, provides an example of the manner in which the symbolic creation of everyday life was appropriated by a particular social strata in response to, and in the refinement of, changed power relations among men, that resulted in adverse consequences for women.The focus of this study is two‐fold; first an examination of the development of the concept of artistic genius as an important part of the symbolic legitimation of the power and status of a distinct social group. Secondly, an examination of the manner in which the formulation of the concept provided the basic framework for the later gendered approach to the practice and evaluation of art in western societ

ISSN:0952-1909    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-6443.1989.tb00138.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractThe paper engages several of the issues raised by Cohn and Dirks’ statement on The Nation State, Colonialism and the Technologies of Power’ (“Beyond the Fringe’1988). It presents an account of the relationship between a community of armed peasants and the state in northern Mexico. The argument is that despite cyclic periods of coincidence and antagonism between the politico‐ideological projects of state and community, an historical analysis of the experience of the people and town of Namiquipa, Chihuahua, reveals certain continuities in the forging of an alternative political‐cultural space, regardless of the character of the community's relationship to the state at any time.In Mexico ‐ as everywhere ‐ the function of the State is the maintenance of the existing order, i.e. the maintenance of social inequality. A task for the social scientist is to document and analyse the regional strategies of the State, through the study of both the federal government and the actors who receive delegated power from it…. [T]he State apparatus is also in charge of distributing differential benefits among the population. The logic of this distribution transcends rural aspects and regional boundaries and refers to the historical dynamics of the Mexican nation, which manifests itself in the configuration of the State at different periods of time and is conditioned by the existing correlation among international forces. But from such macro‐political panorama one must descend to its implications for regional development (Guillermo de la Pefia 1981: 259–260).Neither the peasants nor the State is an autonomous entity. Both are associated with other complex dependencies, with other forces and pressures. Both are stratified within and divided by interests that often contradict each other. The contradiction between the peasants and the State is not the only one in the country, and thanks to a coalition of many interests, it is not even the most apparent. However, it is the essential one in the sense that the changes that would radically and basically affect the entire situation can only be generated within it (

ISSN:0952-1909    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-6443.1989.tb00139.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

AbstractFrom the perspective of imperial propaganda Britain's colonial emergencies of the forties and fifties have straightforward, even self‐evident explanations. In the case of Malaya the state of emergency declared in June 1948 was a response to an international communist plot designed to seize power. In Kenya, an underground conspiracy of tribal extremists necessitated the implementation of emergency powers in October 1952 and the intervention of the British military. In British Guiana, the October 1953 state of emergency was essential to prevent a communist‐inspired reign of terror and sabotage.1More objective researchers and journalists have questioned the familiar justification for Britain's colonial emergencies.2However, controversy persists, not simply about the interpretation of these events but about the basic facts.3This is not surprising, because a study of the available files in the Public Records Office shows that the relationship between the colonial emergencies and their purported causes is far from straightforward. While imperial propaganda projected a sense of single‐minded clarity, behind the scenes the leading experts of the Colonial Office were uncertain and deeply disturbed by events that they did not entirely comprehend. Nevertheless, despite their lack of a clear understanding of the situation in the affected colonies, the Colonial administration fully supported a military response. Indeed a study of the emergencies in Malaya, Kenya and British Guiana reveals a common pattern in the response of the British government and helps to place each of these conflicts in a wider perspe

ISSN:0952-1909    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-6443.1989.tb00140.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0952-1909    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-6443.1989.tb00141.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0952-1909    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-6443.1989.tb00142.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY