摘要:

Abstract:The question of how a fiscal balance might be maintained between the Commonwealth and the States exercised the minds of the framers of the Constitution before 1901 and has been of concern ever since. Centralization of financial power in the Commonwealth has resulted from decisions of the High Court of Australia especially the two Uniform Tax Cases which in 1942 established, and in 1957 reinforced, the Commonwealth's hegemony in the revenue field. This hegemony enabled the Commonwealth to influence, if not dictate, State policy initiatives by the making of conditional grants for a wide range of specific purposes under Section 96 of the Constitution. The practice of making specific purpose grants as an element in what has been called “coercive federalism” was adopted in varying degree by the Commonwealth during the years between 1943 and 1975. The “new federalism” policies of the present government have as their objective the reversal of this practice and in its place the restoration of State automomy in the expenditure of a pre‐determined share of income tax revenues. Some of the problems entailed in the withdrawal of specific purpose grants are outlined, and the paper also suggests an institutional mechanism to maintain a proper fiscal balance between Commonwealth and States as part of the “new

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00389.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:Certain aspects of the new Australian tax sharing arrangements are analysed against the background of West German experiences. Emphasis is laid on Federal‐State relations in outlining the basic characteristics of the German machinery and the Australian arrangements. Compared to the Australian situation, the tax sharing base in West Germany is much broader and has indeed contributed to the safeguarding of State autonomy to a large extent. On the other hand, the German States have no individual power to legislate on taxes or tax surcharges. Although tax sharing is a powerful instrument in mitigating financial imbalances in a federation, it tends to conflict with the idea of a centrally controlled stabilization and distribution policy. In Germany, tax sharing is complemented by a complex coordination machinery stabilizing joint decision making of the Federal government and the States. In areas such as demand management, financial planning and allocation policies there seems to be need for such complementary arrangements, since tax sharing alone cannot achieve sufficient coordination among the different administrative levels of a federatio

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00390.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:Following the election of the Whitlam government in December 1972 changes in the composition, work and style of ministers' offices were substantial. Evaluations of the emerging pattern conflicted, often quite sharply. This paper surveys the pattern of staffing introduced by Labor and examines in particular the roles of ministerial officers as political and policy advisers. The paper also discusses recent experiences with ministerial staff in the United Kingdom and Canada, and makes brief reference to the use of ministerial staff by the Fraser government. Assessing the effectiveness of ministerial advisers is not easy. No straight forward measures of effectiveness exist. It is argued that, despite the ambitions of some ministerial staff during the Whitlam government, the role of ministerial advisers was essentially limited and confined. Ministers found them useful but few found them overwhelmingly so. While the Fraser government has reduced the number and visibility of ministerial staff it has retained the institutional underpinning of Labor's system. In the search for ways of assisting political parties to govern and to respond to changing situations, it is likely that ministerial staff with ability to advise on policy will receive further attention in the future.

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00391.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:The ministerial staff of the present Liberal‐National Country Party government are compared with those of the Labor government between 1972 and 1975. The most striking contrasts between the two groups is that the Coalition staffers are fewer in number (with fewer “political” types) and less “visible” than their Labor counterparts. They also intrude less into the workings of departments and report better relationships with public servants. There is thus a weakening of the representative and party political elements in the Federal government which were built up under the Labor party, and an opening of the way for a possible reassertion of the bureaucratic element. Although Coalition staffers differ from Labor staffers in other respects (for instance more come from private industry and private practice, fewer from journalism), on a number of criteria they have much in common. They are mostly male, in their twenties or thirties, mostly graduates, disproportionately from non‐government schools, with about half from inside and half from outside the pub

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00392.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:Freedom of information legislation is now an item on the political agenda. In the debate about the scope of such legislation, however, some important administrative questions have been ignored. Relevant overseas experience, particularly that of North America, has not been given the attention it deserves. By 1972 the Labor Party had made “open government” an electoral issue, although four distinct notions were involved in this concept, namely administrative review; public comment by public servants; more helpful institutions; and autonomous access to information in institutions. However the efforts of the Labor government during 1972‐75 to implement freedom of information proposals foundered partly because issues of procedures, cost and personnel were not perceived as being salient; and the situation has not changed much since. Questions about the administration of freedom of information legislation are discussed in relation to the recommendations of the Coombs Report, and it is argued that the matter needs to be approached in new ways, one of which is through action res

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00393.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:Politicians need information. In recent years the practice of public servants briefing party committees has been expanded to help fill that need. In part this was due to the increased influence of caucus committees under the Labor government, but the practice has continued. Public servants provide information and explanations of policy to government and opposition members, although in the latter case public servants have to tread carefully. In December 1976 the Prime Minister tabled guidelines to govern these briefings. This innovation has implications for the doctrines of public service neutrality, for ministerial responsibility and for the capacity of the opposition to develop workable policy. Despite the potential problems that may arise, it is a practice that, if used effectively, can only assist in the improvement of political debate.

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00394.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:Recent moves by both Labor and Liberal Governments in Australia indicate increased awareness of the possibilities that a centralized government purchasing body may be able to secure economies in purchasing large quantities of a wide range of goods used by government departments, agencies and commissions, and also that such a purchasing authority can be used as an instrument with which to put into effect government policies concerned with supporting a particular industry or geographic area. The argument in this paper elaborates on this theme. It is suggested that a centralized purchasing authority should act, using its countervailing power, to secure cost savings which would not only provide benefits to government departments, but which could also be passed on to the general public. For these savings to be achieved, significant changes would have to occur in the relatively passive system of tendering which characterizes most government purchases. The government purchasing body would need actively to induce some real competition between rival tenderers, if need be playing one bid against the other. A government contract would be awarded only on the condition that the lower price offered the government was, in fact, also passed on to the general public. Thus both the public and the firm would benefit; the public by paying lower prices and the firm by the extra demand likely to be generated for its product, as well as the security of the government contract. Of course, such a purchasing policy could only be followed against firms with significant market power and excess profits. Even if such a policy were followed for a small number of products, the result could be greater efficiency and lower prices for all consumers of these products.

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00395.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract:Until recently little work has been done on the government of post‐secondary education in Australia. The development of the present arrangements for the coordination of post‐secondary education is thus described and analysed, as are the structure and functions of the two national agencies and the various State bodies which have responsibility for coordination of colleges of advanced education. This analysis shows the growing size, complexity and costs of this sector of education, and the increasing involvement of the Commonwealth government in an area of traditional State responsibility. Yet there is still no single agency to coordinate the various activities of the Commonwealth government in higher education and only two States have such agencies. For the colleges of advanced education there are two national coordinating bodies, and at State level the arrangements vary markedly. There is also great variety in the relationships between individual colleges (which themselves differ greatly) and their State agencies, but overall there appears to be tension and dissatisfaction. In three ways could these relationships be improved: creating a greater degree of mutual recognition of rights and responsibilities; a revision of areas over which control is exercised; and a revision of the actual mechanics of coordination. Further, the assumption by the Commonwealth government of full financial responsibility for all tertiary education in January 1974 has added new sources of tension in the relationships between Federal and State governments and their agencies. The present pattern, however, is not static, but in a process of cha

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00396.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00397.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0313-6647    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-8500.1977.tb00398.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1977

数据来源: WILEY