ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1981.tb00421.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1981

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article explores the extent to which Danish membership of the European communities has blurred the traditional distinction between international and domestic politics. Based on data concerning the pattern of representation of Danish ministries at EC negotiations, the article finds a strong decentralization of negotiation competences among ministries and a spread of negotiation responsibilities across hierarchical levels, types of organization, and types of civil servants. The conclusion is that this blurring tends to maximize the influence of domestic interests and that it accounts for much of the immobility of EC decision‐makin

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1981.tb00422.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1981

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Discussion about political research could be seen as dealing with three basic questions. The first being whether type ofgovernmentor type ofpublic policyshould be considered as our main object. The second being whetherconstitutional lawor the more realistic approach ofpolitical scienceshould dominate. And the third being whether we should be arguinginoraboutpolitics. If we separate these three questions it is much more likely that discussion will improve.

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1981.tb00423.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1981

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Debating explanations of electoral behavior, American scholars have focused on three main theories: The identification model relying on underlying loyalty of voters towards specific parties; the political agreement or proximity model assuming a rational calculation of parties' ideological positions or stand on salient political issues as the yardstick for choice of party; and the investment model relying on voters' ability to calculate which government alternative will bring most utility for the individual voter. Examining these theories with the use of Norwegian data from the elections of 1965, 1969 and 1977, we find that the identification model is far the most powerful in predicting individual voting behavior. This model also has an edge in explaining support for the individual parties and the total distribution of voters. However, at the major postwar government election in 1965, the investment model certainly is of importance, and at the election in 1977 the significance of the proximity model has increased.

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1981.tb00424.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1981

数据来源: WILEY