摘要:

The main purpose of this article is to argue the importance of combining several approaches in studies of communist parties: socio‐economic structures, competitive relations to other left wing parties, organizational implantation, and the role of political tradition. The present ecological analysis will particularly emphasize the organizational approach and the importance of political tradition. In keeping with Allardt's and Lipset's theories, socio‐economic structure seemed to a great extent to be a necessary condition for communist strength in this period. Both significant employment in industry and/or forestry and a strong social democratic party turned out to be necessary conditions for communist strength, but only when we analysed the ‘historical’ and organizational dimensions in more detail were we able to determine more accurately the areas of strong electoral support of the Norwegian Communis

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1982.tb00260.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1982

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

In a recent paper John D. May has nominated Responsive Rule for a definition of democracy. Responsive Rule prescribes necessary correspondence between governmental acts and the wishes with respect to those acts of the persons who are affected. In this paper the definition is criticized for being unclear on a vital conceptual issue and for not fully expressing the essence of democracy. On the one hand it is maintained that democracy's subject population remains undefined as the meaning of the word affected’ is unclear, and three distinctions are brought forward to illustrate the problem of separating affected persons from persons not affected. On the other hand May's identification of democracy with equality in the weight of wishes is called in question, and it is maintained that wishes should meet a qualifying criterion. Three procedures for identifying qualified wishes are discussed, and it is suggested that information must be included in a conception of democracy in order to separate rational wishes from irrational wishe

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1982.tb00261.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1982

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The purpose of this article is to try to discern certain general features in the origins of the demands for referenda, and why these demands succeed or fail. A distinction is drawn between (a) the demand for a referendum on a certain issue and (b) the demand to amend the constitution to allow for referenda of one form or other.(a) Nation‐wide referenda are rare almost everywhere, but demands for referenda arise more frequently. The article argues there are often regularities in the way these demands arise. A request for a referendum on one specific issue can be regarded as a minority weapon. Those who have had their standpoint voted down demand a referendum. If their demand is to succeed, two conditions are important: parties which are split and strong commitment on the part of the voters. To understand why an original minority weapon can get support from the majority, two functions of the demand for referendum are central: the function as a mediation device and as a lightning rod.(b) Concerning interest in the introduction of the referendum as a more or less regular principle of government, we find that referendum enthusiasts often share a similar ideology or view of society. The most central catchword here is antiparty sentimen

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1982.tb00262.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1982

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This study starts with the premise that political norms and structures determine national electoral propensities toward critical or secular realignments in partisan affiliation, ft is hypothesized that historical and structural characteristics of the Danish political system mitigate against rapid changes in partisan affiliations and voting patterns. Empirical evidence is presented to demonstrate that observed changes in the partisan distribution of the Danish vote in 1973–1977 resulted from a gradual redistribution of partisan affiliation with origins in the 1950s.Contrary to the conventional wisdom, the study concludes that a secular, not critical, realignment occurred in Denmark during the 197

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1982.tb00263.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1982

数据来源: WILEY