摘要:

Given the continuing importance ofdemocracyas an analytic concept. this article seeks to compare Scandinavian practice with accepted general definitions and theories. Definitions that recognize contemporary political democracy as consensual and procedural seem most appropriate to the Scandinavian cases. Although remaining dynamic. political democracy has not been a contested principle for more than 50 years.Efforts since 1945 to extend democracy to social and economic spheres have been more controversial, however. Welfare state measures enjoy broad support, not least for functional reasons. For many, however, such policies seek a broader social democracy instead of merely a humane ‘safety net’. Economic democracy remains the most contested dimension. Seeking to transcend corporatism and rational collective bargaining, economic democracy seeks simultaneously to promote greater economic equality and participation while maintaining an efficient productive system.The dynamic and expanded democratic model has engendered much domestic debate about means and ends. This has been, on balance, a source of reinvigorat

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00345.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article attempts a systematic comparison of how policy is implemented in Sweden and the United States. We suggest that differences might be explained by examining policymaking processes, policy content, and governmental structure. The comparison reveals differences in ‘incentive structure’. Both Sweden and the U.S. have responded to the complexity and uncertainty that accompanies increased demands on central government by adopting ‘softer’ mechanisms for implementation. The effect of these shifts in both systems is to devolve important decisions to lower levels of government. In Sweden, this devolution is still accompanied by strong incentives for national policymakers to undertake implementation, although the incentives may not be as strong as they were in the past. In the U.S., it is accompanied by a radical weakening of incentives to carry out implementation and increasing instability in policy content and relations among key

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00346.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The question of political realignment and dealignment in advanced industrial democracies has been the subject of considerable comparative analysis. The present study takes the literature regarding the ‘new politics’ thesis as the point of departure and examines the relative importance of different political cleavages. The traditional socio‐structural cleavages in the Rokkan/Lipset model for political polarization in industrial society are contrasted with an extended ideological cleavage model which includes five different dimensions. Using data from a nationwide Norwegian survey, the findings indicate that although there is a clear tendency towards a generation‐based structural de‐alignment process in accordance with ‘new politics’ literature. the thesis that the materialist/post‐materialist dimension has taken over as the dominant polarization pattern in Norway is not generally confirmed. The ‘old left‐right’ ideological cleavages ‐ which we have called Leftist/Rightist Materialism ‐ appears to be of greater importance. even in

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00347.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Referendums represent a special variant of political elections. Although it must be assumed that the behaviour of voting in referendums is determined by a range of factors identical to those that are operative in other contests, it can be asked to what extent referendum voting behaviour is sensitive to active campaigning on the part of political parties and organized groups. It may add to our understanding of referendums, therefore, to analyze them in terms of three ‘ideal types’: party‐structured, group‐structured, and unstructured contests. Illustrations taken from certain recent referendums support the argument that it is useful to consider the extent to which these ideal types are in evidence ‐ alone or in combination ‐ when explaining referendum votin

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00348.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The question raised is why ‘secondary’ representativeness of political elites, i.e. the degree of similarity in socio‐demographic background between elite and electorate, is considered important in debates on democratic polities. Three answers are considered: to improve long‐term ‘primary’ representtativity. i.e. the representation of publicopinions;to build systemic legitimacy: and to encourage the participation of low‐mobilized groups. From this perspective new data on the party organizational elites in Norway are presented: The party elites are socially skewed in terms of present position. but fairly broad based in terms of parental background. They reflect the traditional cleavage structures of Norwegian politics, even though the high shares of women and public employees indicate potentially emerging cleavage structures. Particularly the women in party positions are disproportionately recruited from the lower ranks of the publ

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00349.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00350.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1986.tb00351.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1986

数据来源: WILEY