摘要:

Two questions are discussed in this article. First, what are the main divisions in the debate on the causes of the deradicalization of European social democratic parties? Second, what kind of empirical research could at this stage of the debate hope to contribute substantially to it?Through a survey of the literature the argument is presented that in both Marxist and Liberal debates the question of the relative importance of class‐factors and party‐factors emerge as dominant. The empirical confrontation of these perspectives has hitherto taken place at the national level. What is needed now is more local level research, which would give a more manageable unit in the exploration of the theoretical and empirical issues invol

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1978.tb00177.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1978

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The relationship between social development and political participation has been described by Nie, Powell, and Prewitt in terms of two major contentions: (1) social development leads to increases in both the relative size of the middle class and the scope of the organizational infrastructure; (2) both factors lead in turn to higher rates of political participation, but the one ‐ socioeconomic status ‐ is mediated by civic attitudes, while the other ‐ organizational involvement ‐ is not. In trying to assess these contentions in relation to Norway, the present study arrives at several interesting, but disparate, conclusions: (a) existing findings with relevance for the problem (Martinussen'sDistant Democracy) are open to reinterpretation; (b) in a highly developed corporate‐pluralist state such as Norway, organizational involvement must be distinguished as to its dependent‐variable and independent‐variable characteristics; (c) occupational status must be problematized as a sexist indicator; (d) class characteristics arenotimportant determinants of participation in Norway, but sex is; (e) in relation to involvement in the electoral channel, civic attitudes do not mediate class position as much as they mediate sex; and (f) in relation to involvement in the corporate (interest‐group) channel, neither sex nor class are significantly mediated by attitudes. Finally, it is pointed out that the relevance of these findings for the Nie‐Powell‐Prewitt position is uncertain, due to the problematic operationalization of both sex and organizational involvement in

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1978.tb00178.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1978

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The subject of the article is the Oslo model of co‐operative housing. A cooperative model may be considered a predominantly ‘public’ solution, or given a more ‘private’ flavor, depending on the different forms given to the co‐operative idea. This article considers the political consequences of alternative implementations. It presents a historical survey of the initial reactions of the tenant urban working class to the insecurities of the housing market, its inevitable clash with landlord interests, and the earlier varieties of radical and socialist responses to the housing misery. The search for a ‘public’ form of ownership leads to the gradual acceptance of the co‐operative solution, and the rise of one co‐operative organisation (OBOS) from a position of modesty to one of dominance. The administrative principles employed in the distribution of apartments lead to a number of unexpected consequences relating to the rights of the members and owners. While the OBOS administration is engaged in limiting the contagion of the ‘free market’, it is also concerned not to antagonize the opinions of the members. These conflicting interests lead to a number of administrative knots, particularly since new sentiments among both old and more recent members press towards a ‘private’ interpretation. The political parties react to these sentiments in the electorate in different ways, but with deep concern for the incre

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1978.tb00179.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1978

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article investigates the pattern of corporate political representation in Danish law‐making. The most important finding is a large intra‐system variation in scope, level, and structure of outside involvement. There is no evidence of an emerging ‘total’ system of corporate political representation. The dominant pattern is still one of a diversified use ofseveralchannels of access by a largevarietyof groups, organizations, and institutions. While the importance of organized interests is well documented, it is questionable to what extent this indicates a pattern of societal corporatism in the political system. Interest organizations play an important role in pluralist societies as well, and Philippe Schmitter's main point about representational monopoly does not gain support. Generally, the analysis tends to support a model of pluralist corporate represe

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1978.tb00180.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1978

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1978.tb00181.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1978

数据来源: WILEY