摘要:

Abstract.In this article it is shown that the Heerlen Dutch constructionHer riet birigt zich‘the reed bends refl crucially differs from its Standard Dutch counterpart’. Instead, it has properties very similar to the ones of the French constructionLa branche se casse‘the branch refl breaks’. First, it is argued that both the Heerlen Dutch and the French constructions are ergative intransitive counterparts of transitive change of state verbs with a Causer as external argument. Secondly, it is shown that in the ergative constructionszich/seact as an aspectual marker, namely the aspectual focus is on the end‐point of the event. We will claim that this specific aspectual function of the reflexive element is not language specific but that it is a general property of ‘reflexive’ languages of both the ‘Roman’ and

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1996.tb00340.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1996

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Empirical evidence is presented in favour of the claim first made in Pesetsky (1989) that English lexical verbs move overtly, as can be argued given the orderV‐Adverb‐PP. Extraction tests are used to show that the PP in the sequence at stake is not extraposed across the adverb, as claimed in Pollock (1994). It is shown that, in order to get a clear picture with respect to the placement of the verb, one has to use adverbs which can only be left‐adjoined to VP (e.g.

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1996.tb00341.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1996

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.In the first section, which follows the preliminary remarks, it is pointed out that pure fiturewillis the sole means of expressing futurity. In the second section it is observed that there is some evidence for believing that pure futurewillis distinct both from intrinsic (i.e. volitional)willand from extrinsic (i.e. epistemic)will. In the third section the reason is stated why pure futurewillshould not be viewed as a tense auxiliary verb. And in the same section the claim is made that ‘thewillof pure futurity should be regarded as a primary auxiliary verb which makes a future form with a base form of full verb’. Some significant consequences which follow from the claim that pure futurewillis a primary auxiliary verb which serves to make a future form are observed in the fourth sect

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1996.tb00342.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1996

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Two competing theories of verb‐second clause structure are compared, and their relative merits are identified. A synthesis of the two theories is proposed, wherein the position occupied by the subject in finite clauses in verb‐second Germanic languages is argued to be uniformly Spec‐C, in both verb‐second clauses and non‐verb second clauses. It is shown that this approach allows for a unified theory of Germanic verb‐second. The mechanisms which motivate subject movement for Spec‐C are elucidated, and the necessary accompanying constraints on CP‐recursion structures are presented. A revision of Holmberg's (1986) Predicate Principle is defended as the driving force for verb‐sec

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1996.tb00343.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1996

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0039-3193    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9582.1996.tb00344.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1996

数据来源: WILEY