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1. |
Policy under siege: supply management in agricultural marketing |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 1-23
Grace Skogstad,
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摘要:
Abstract: National supply management in the Canadian dairy and poultry sectors is under siege. Its inherent protectionism is increasingly labelled anachronistic in the contemporary, globally competitive economy. This article probes the origins and political economy of the crisis in supply management. It argues that the pragmatism that led to the creation of private interest governments in the dairy and poultry sectors was not accompanied by the necessary degree of broader support in the Canadian political community for the goals and instruments of supply management. Canada's predominantly “business liberalism” norms have never been fully hospitable to the instruments and structures of supply management. Moreover, the legitimacy of poultry marketing agencies, in particular, has been further eroded by two features of their institutional design which have impeded their effective functioning: the inordinate influence they give producers viz‐a‐viz state and other interests within the sector; and their decision‐making rules and procedures, which undermine the incentives for producers to compromise and which encourage parochialism at the expense of the interest of the sector as a whole. As the latter causes national marketing agencies to haemorrhage internally, they are simultaneously faced by an altered domestic and international political economy which gives the advantage to antagonistic interests and ideas. While reform of supply management and the private interest governments within which it is embedded appears inevitable, and is certainly defensible, it will be important for decision‐makers to bear in mind that the public will not be well served by reforms that tip the balance of power unevenly in favour of processor and trade liberalization interests.Sommaire: La gestion de l'offre nationale dans les secteurs laitier et de la volaille au Canada est assaillie de toute part. Dans le cadre de l'économie actuelle, concurrentielle au niveaub mondial, on considère de plus en plus que son protectionnisme inhérent est anachronique. Le présent article examine les origines et l'économie politique de la crise qui frappe la gestion de l'offre. En outre, il soutient que le pragmatisme qui a menéà l'établissement de gouvernements d'intérět privé dans les secteurs du lait et de la volaille, n'avait pas un appui suffisant de la part de la communauté politique canadienne en ce qui concerne les objectifs et instruments de la gestion de l'offre. Lespréceptes canadiens dominés par le «libéralisme d'affaires» n'ont jamais ététout à fait favorables aux outils et aux structures de la gestion de l'offre. De plus, le caractère légitime des organismes de commercialisation de la volaille, en particulier, a été sapé davantage par deux caractéristiques de sa conception měme, qui en ont empěché le fonctionnement efficace. La première de ces caractéristiques est l'influence excessive que ces organismes procurent aux producteurs relativement aux intérěts étatiques ou autres dans le secteur; deuxièmement, leurs règles et procédures décisionnelles font que les producteurs sont peu enclins au compromis et qu'ils favorisent leurs intérěts les plus étroits aum dépens des intérěts du secteur dans son ensemble. Pendant que ce dernier effet entraǐne une hémorragie interne au sein des organismes nationaux de commercialisation, ces derniers doivent simultanément faire face à une économie politique nationale et internartionale modifiée, qui favorise des intérěts et idées s'opposant à la gestion de l'offre. Bien qu'une réforme de la gestion de l'offre et des gouvernements d'intérět privé au sein desquels elle est ancrée semble inévitable (et elle est certainment justifiable), il importe que les décideurs sachent bien que le public sera mal servi par des réformes qui feraient pencher la balance des pouvoirs public sera mal servi par des réformes qui feraient pencher la balance des pouvoirs de manière inégale
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02163.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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2. |
L'évolution de la structure de gestion des affaires intergouvernementales au IMouveau‐Brunswick: 1960–90 |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 24-37
Philippe Doucet,
Roger Ouellette,
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摘要:
Sommaire: Les relations intergouvernementales du Nouveau‐Brunswick ont‐elles connu au cours des trois dernieres decennies des transformations de fond? Presque inexistant au debut des annees 1960, ce secteur de l'activite gouvernementale s'est developpe graduellement pour devenir, apres la victoire des Liberaux de Frank McKenna en 1987, un ministere a part entiere.Le present article se propose de decrire revolution et de determiner les principaux facteurs susceptibles d'expliquer l'absence de structures autonomes de gestion des affaires intergouvernementales de la province. Pourtant, les gouvernements Robichaud des annees 1960 et Hatfield des annees 1970 et 1980 ont souvent ete les initiateurs de projets de modernisation de l'activite gouvernementale. Comment expliquer alors qu'ils aient autant tarde a organiser la gestion des relations intergouvernementales? Ces decisions relevent‐elles davantage de la societe neo‐brunswickoise que de ses dirigeants politiques?En plus d'avoir consulte litterature et documentation sur le sujet, nous avons interroge plusieurs hauts fonctionnaires et hommes politiques des anciens et du present gouvernements. Un large consensus se degage parmi eux: la direction des relations intergouvernementales, etroitement controlee par les premiers ministres, leur Bureau et, a l'occasion, le Secretariat du Conseil des ministres, n'a pas souffert outre mesure de l'absence d'une bureaucratie plus structured.En depit de la recente creation du ministere des Affaires intergouvernementales, on constate que la gestion de ces affaires n'aurait pas beaucoup change pour autant. C'est toujours au Bureau du Premier ministre que sont prises les decisions cles en la matiere.Abstract: Did New Brunswick intergovernmental relations undergo fundamental changes over the last three decades? Virtually non‐existent in the early 1960s, this government acrtivity sector developed gradually, emerging as a full‐fledged ministry following the vitory of Frank McKenna's Liberals in 1987.The purpose of this article is to describe that change and to determine the main factors that could explain the lack of autonomous structures for managing the province's intergovernmental affairs. However, the Robichaud government in the 1960 and the hatfield government in the 1970s and 1980s often launched projects to modernize government activities. How should one therefore explain the fact that they were so late in organizing the management of intergovernmental relations? Do these decisions result more fron New Brunswick society than from its political leaders?In order to consult the relevant literture and documentation, we interviewed several high officials and politicians from current and past governments. Ther is a broad consensus among them: the management of intergovernmental relations, closely controlled by the premiers, their offices and, occasionally, the secretariat of cabinet, has not been particularly affected by the lack of a more structured bureaucracy.In spite of the recent creation of the Ministry of Intergovernmental Affairs, the management of those affairs would not appear to have changed a great deal. It is still within the premier's office that the key decisions in this fie
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02164.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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3. |
Reforming the electoral system of Metropolitan Toronto: doing away with dual representation |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 38-56
Hugh Mellon,
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摘要:
Abstract: Since its creation in the mid‐1950s, the elected council of Metropolitan Toronto was composed of politicians who had first been directly elected in their home municipalities (Scarborough, North York, etc.)‐ Over the years, various observers had noted the representational weaknesses of this arrangement, but little had changed by the mid‐1980s. Metro concerns often appeared to be overlooked in the interest of local concerns, and lines of accountability from Metro to the public were weak. During the period 1986–88 a provincial government initiative led to a joint review of Metro's electoral arrangements and to enactment of major procedural reforms. By the 1988 Ontario municipal elections a system for direct election of the Metro council was in place. The provincial government's approach to reform, a provincial‐municipal task force, merits examination, for the municipal affairs ministry was able to bring reforms forward despite opposition from certain local government leaders. Reviewing this experience sheds light on some of the complexities involved in analysing representational options as well as in assessing the provincial relationship with Metro issues. Study of the reform process utilized here illustrates the ability of a committed provincial government to place discussion of Metro change firmly on the political agenda. Reflection on the procedures and representation issues of the mid‐1980s is now timely as the Ontario government is developing a yet larger entity, the Greater Toronto Area (GTA), which encompasses about 40 per cent of the province's population.Sommaire: Depuis son etablissement vers le milieu des annees 1950, le conseil elu du Toronto metropolitain etait compose de politiciens qui avaient d'abord ete elus directement dans leur propre municipality (Scarborough, North York, etc.). Au fil des annees, divers observateurs ont note les faiblesses de ce systeme de representation, mais tres peu changea jusqu'au milieu des annees 1980. Les preoc
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02165.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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4. |
Partnership and public administration: conceptual and practical considerations |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 57-76
Kenneth Kernaghan,
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摘要:
Abstract: In recent years, there has been a proliferation of partnerships involving public organizations. The use of partnerships has evolved from an ad hoc response to particular problems to a general approach to problem‐solving and to improving the efficiency, effectiveness, and responsiveness of public organizations. Partnerships are also used to empower individuals, groups, and organizations outside government by enabling them to make a genuine contribution to government decisions affecting them. It is important, therefore, to explain the meaning and types of partnership, to examine their purposes, benefits, and participants, and to assess their political implications. In‐depth evaluative studies of partnerships are scarce, but there are enough data on partnerships and enough sufficient and theoretical materials on inter‐organizational relations in general to formulate hypotheses about the requirements for successful partnerships.Sommaire: Au cours des dernieres annees, on a assiste a une proliferation des partenariats impliquant des organismes publics. Leur utilisation a evolue, passant de la simple reponse concue pour un probleme particulier a une approche generate visant a resoudre les problemes et a ameliorer l'efficacite et la receptivite des organismes publics. Cette forme d'association sert aussi adeleguerdavantage de pouvoirs aux particuliers, aux groupes et aux organismes non‐gouvernementaux en leur permettant de contribuer vraiment aux decisions gouvernementales qui les touchent. II importe done d'expliquer la signification et les differents types de partenariats, d'examiner leurs objectifs, leurs avantages et leurs participants, et d'evaluer aussi leurs repercussions politiques. Les etudes sur ce sujet sont rares, mais il existe a cet egard suffisamment de donnees et de materiel conceptuel et theorique sur les relations interorganisationnelles en general, pour pouvoir formuler des hypotheses sur les elements qui garantissent la reussite d'une association en part
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02166.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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5. |
Training police for intercultural sensitivity: a critical review and discussion of the research |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 77-89
Charles S. Ungerleider,
Josette McGregor,
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摘要:
Abstract: Conventional wisdom suggests police officers are insensitive towards members of cultural groups different from their own and, thus, are in need of training. This paper uses meta‐analysis to examine the educational interventions that have been used to modify police attitudes towards others.Sommaire: On s'entend generalement pour dire que les agents de police montrent peu de sensibilite envers les membres de groupes culturels differents du leur, et qu'ils ont done besoin d'y etre sensibilises. Le present article fait appel a la meta‐analyse pour examiner les types de formation auxquels on a fait appel pour faire evoluer l'attitude de la police envers les aut
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02167.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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6. |
Canada's interests in North American economic integration |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 90-105
Steven Globerman,
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摘要:
Abstract: The current North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) promises to have relatively modest short‐run economic impacts on the Canadian economy, reflecting existing limited trade and investment flows between Canada and Mexico and relatively low tariff barriers on many products. In the longer run, opportunities exist for increased trade in services, primarily through the establishment of affiliates within the partner country. The liberalization of Mexico's investment regime in a number of service areas therefore represents a significant potential economic opportunity for Canadian firms. Other arguable benefits for Canada include an expedited dispute resolution process, clearer rules‐of‐origin, and constraints on adverse intrusion of regulatory processes as they affect Canadian‐owned businesses. These gains come at comparatively low cost, most notably a higher domestic content requirement for motor vehicles.Sommaire: On prevoit que l'actuel Accord nord‐americain sur le libre‐echange (NAFTA) aura, a court terme, des repercussions economiques relativement faibles, sur l'economie canadienne, ce qui reflete l'etendue actuellement limitee des echanges commerciaux et d'investissement entre le Canada et le Mexique ainsi que les barrieres tarifaires relativement basses existant pour de nombreux produits. A plus long terme, il y aura des possibilites d'echanges commerciaux accrus dans le domaine des services, surtout par l'entremise de succursales etablies dans le pays partenaire. La liberalisation du regime d'investissement au Mexique dans un certain nombre de secteurs de services represente done une possibility economique importante pour les entreprises canadiennes. Les autres avantages eventuels pour le Canada pourraient comprendre une procedure plus rapide pour le reglement des differends, des regies d'origine plus claire et des contraintes sur l'exercise nefaste du pouvoir de reglementation touchant les entreprises appartenant aux Canadiens. Ces gains sont accompagnes d'un cout relativement faible, particulierement en ce qui concerne l'exigence d'un contenu national plus eleve pour les vehicul
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02168.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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7. |
Book Reviews Comptes rendus |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 107-122
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摘要:
Book reviewed in this article:Organizing to GovernDeGORDON F. OSBALDESTONOrganizing to GovernByGORDON F. OSBALDESTONPolitique et gestion des finances publiques. Quebec et CanadaDeANDRE BERNARDAspects of Provincial Policy‐Making and AdministrationEdited byDONALD C. ROWATInfluences on Federal Policy‐Making: Recent Case StudiesEdited byDONALD C. ROWATCommunication publique et societe reperes pour la reflexion et Taction?(sous la direction de), MICHEL BEAUCHAMPNew Forms of Work Organization: The Challenge for North American UnionsByTOM RANKINReviving the American Dream: The economy, the states and the federal governmentByALICE M. RIVLINEconomic Rationalism in Canberra: A Nation‐Building State Changes Its MindByMICHAEL
ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02169.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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8. |
Titles Received: Titres reçus |
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Canadian Public Administration,
Volume 36,
Issue 1,
1993,
Page 123-128
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ISSN:0008-4840
DOI:10.1111/j.1754-7121.1993.tb02170.x
出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd
年代:1993
数据来源: WILEY
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