ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00001.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Contrary to some impressions, the serious study of social conflict is not a recent innovation. Further, the legacy of past studies has been cumulative, resulting in a valuable array of hypotheses, empirical generalizations, conceptual schemes, and proto‐theories. The state of the field, accordingly, indicates the timely usefulness of consideration of strategy and tactics for building valid empirically‐based theories. Singular propositions concerning social conflict are severely limited in empirical applicability by the necessity of invoking the rule ofceteris paribus.But full specification of relevant contexts is impracticable. A strategy proposed here is the use of theoretically specified multivariate models. This approach is illustrated by specific empirical generalizations, drawn from laboratory research, field experiments, large‐scale field studies, and comparative macro‐analyses. Additional possibilities for further development are suggested by stating a hypothetical “law” of collective conflict, on the basis of which additional predictive hypotheses ar

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00002.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Quantitative, comparative studies of violent conflict within societies constitute a growing subfield of political science. Some common assumptions of these studies are the premises that conflict events have similar properties and causes across all types of contemporary nations, and that these properties and causes are susceptible to reliable and valid measurement. Convergence is apparent in some results: violent conflict‐intensifies in periods of rapid socioeconomic change; the transition to socioeconomic “modernity” helps lessen revolutionary activity but not turmoil; increased coerciveness by regimes tends under some specifiable circumstances to exacerbate civil conflict; and there is little relationship between the incidence of domestic and foreign conflict as cause, effect, or alternatives. Prospects and problems for such studies are briefly eval

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00003.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

When natural histories of revolution do not consist simply of explicated definitions, they generally fail as explanatory theories, largely because they fail to deal with negative cases or to eliminate alternative explanations, and because they assume that a continuous and integrated social system experiences revolution. A more adequate treatment requires that governments, contenders for power, and relations among them be distinguished. Revolution consists of the fragmentation of a single polity. Starting from that view, we develop apolitical processmodel of revolutionary change, illustrated and supported by detailed evidence — both quantitative and qualitative—from the French revolution of 1

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00004.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Many different factors enter into riots and other forms of social violence. On many occasions, particularly in the early stages, the aggression is impulsive rather than instrumental. Generally speaking, these “expressive” acts are responses to aversive conditions, but they are also affected by prior learning, strength of inhibitions against aggression in the specific situation, the presence of appropriate situational cues, and also the feeling of being able to cope with the aversive conditions. Social comparisons contribute to the unpleasant situations, creating a predisposition to aggression. In analyzing the role of these comparisons, it is important to specify just what groups serve as reference groups. It is suggested that unfavorable comparisons with one's own kind are particularly import

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00005.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

How responsible the coverage of conflict and confrontation by the news media is for the violence in contemporary American society involves at least four separate issues. (1) Do general news practices help create violence‐prone situations? (2) What effect does the presence of TV and other news media in such situations have on the likelihood that violence will erupt? (3) What impact do news reports of violence already in progress have on its subsequent spread or abatement? (4) Are predictions of violence more likely to become self‐fulfilling or self‐defeating? The information available suggests that the media are rarely a major influence on the amount of violence in any specific situation and that they function as much to deter as to incite violence. Yet, if media reports of both actual and potential violence affect expectations, then this will influence the nature of public protest as well as the official response to it and to other situations where the possibility of violent confrontation must be reckoned

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00006.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

An exchange of gunfire between Detroit police and persons in the proximity of a meeting of black separatists provided an opportunity to evaluate the impact of the mass media in creating, supporting, or reducing racial polarization. Based on responses from 1130 interviews in black and white neighborhoods, perceptions of what occurred outside of the New Bethel Church were linked to reported mass media and primary‐group sources of information. In terms both of immediate and of long‐term effects, different media combinations were associated differently with how whites and blacks relying on these sources perceived the incident. Where newspapers were relied on more than other media, the original perspective projected in the mass media underwent extinction. Where television was the more important information source, persistence of the original view by whites and increased polarization were the patterns of imp

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00007.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Four methods are described for pursuing and resolving differences of interest in a dyad: bargaining, reliance on content‐specific norms, reliance on equity norms, and reliance on the norm of mutual responsiveness. Bargaining entails a number of dilemmas and other problems that are largely avoided when dyads rely on norms. Reliance on content‐specific and equity norms poses other problems that are avoided by mutual responsiveness. A theory of changing patterns in the use of these methods is advanced. The theory holds that (a) content‐specific norms give way to the norm of mutual responsiveness in crises produced by changing needs, and (b) reliance on mutual responsiveness is replaced by bargaining in crises resulting from changes in the relative bargaining strength or capacity to be generous of the two members of the dyad, as perceived by one or both members. A revised norm of mutual responsiveness can be constructed in the latter kind of crisis provided the members of the dyad develop a consensus about their relative bargaining strength, feel dependent on one another, and have a minimal level of trust in one an

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00008.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This paper proposes four functions in terms of which social indicators can be judged successful or unsuccessful: description, explanation, valuation, and utilization. These criteria are applied to the findings of a current nation‐wide study on the attitudes of American men toward violence. Two indexes—the level of force that men consider justifiable for social control and the level of force that they consider justifiable for social change—are shown to be essentially uncorrelated and to present very different descriptive patterns. Most men consider injury or property damage to be unnecessary for social change, but are prepared to justify substantial force for social control. The explanation of these attitudes is sought in terms of background and demographic characteristics, and in terms of such psychological characteristics as values, group identification, semantics, and perception of social i

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00009.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Attitudes toward the trial and conviction of Lt. William Calley were explored in a national survey, completed between May 28 and June 12, 1971, conducted by the Roper Organization staff. Of the 989 respondents, 34% approved of Calley's having been brought to trial and 58% disapproved. Subgroups were identified on the basis of the reasons behind their attitudes. Those who approved because they felt the individual soldier must bear responsibility (AR) and those who disapproved because they felt it unfair to hold Calley individually responsible (DR) showed marked and consistent differences in response to hypothetical questions, queries about legal precedents, and other trial‐related questions; the groups were, however, almost equally disenchanted with the Vietnam war. Demographically, DR's tended to be lower in SES and education. Findings are discussed in terms of patterns of integration into the national system; the DR group's hypothesized pattern appears conducive to violence upon orders from authorit

ISSN:0022-4537    

DOI:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1972.tb00010.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1972

数据来源: WILEY