摘要:

ABSTRACTThe welfare state is not just a system of personal insurance but an expression of community, of concern for our fellows. It places some things beyond the question of purchasing power. Yet its structures are often criticised as subverting personal and social cares and responsibilities. Arguably there is a ‘dialectic of self‐destruction’ here, a tendency for the institution to undermine its own support. At the same time this problem is inherent in the capitalist state itself, as is brought out by a study of the philosophers of ‘civil society’ from Mandeville to Greèn. It is schematically argued that the welfare state needs reconstructing as an articulation rather than a substitute for ‘community’. Implications for the class, gender and age structures of societ

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00015.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTPsychological or political criticism of the parent‐child relation presupposes a normative account of that relation. Such an account is here provided. The normative account can shed most light when the parent‐child relation is presented recognizably, not in Utopian disguise. The purposes of reasonable people partly depend on their interpretations of those of their parents. This is so whether such people accept or reject any particular parental purposes. The filial art sticks to the project of working out the enacted interpretation—until it gets it approximately right. There is a corresponding parental art, neither compensatory nor sacrif

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00016.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTL. J. MacFarlane has contended that the right to strike is a keystone of democratic society. The right to strike is a right to free expression, association, assembly and power. And the right to strike is dependent upon the right to employment. MacFarlane denies that the right to employment is a universal right. I argue that unless the right to work is indeed universal MacFarlane's main contention is false. Forced unemployment is, amongst other things, the denial of full citizen status, for the range of liberties that constitutes the right to strike is essential to full participation in democracy. It is only when the traditional liberty‐rights of free expression and striking are seen as being based upon such recipient rights as rights to media space and time and upon the right to work, that they can play their proper democratic role. This conception of those rights is missing from the work of Rawls and Nozick as well as from MacFarlan

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00017.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTNuclear deterrence has struck many people as morally perplexing because it is a case in which it appears to be right to threaten, and in a sense intend, what it would be wrong to do. Section 1 explores the assumptions that are necessary to generate this moral paradox. Some moral theorists, however, have refused to embrace this paradox, contending instead that nuclear deterrence is immoral in principle precisely because it is wrong to threaten that which it would be immoral to do. Section 2 rebuts this contention and seeks to reduce the apparent paradoxicality of nuclear deterrence to manageable proportions. This is not to maintain, though, that nuclear deterrence is morally permissible in the world in which we live; consequently, Section 3 surveys some of the factors relevant to a moral assessment of the legitimacy of the actual practice of nuclear deterrence.

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00018.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThere are many points of similarity between the views of pacifists and those of people who argue that sentient non‐human animals have absolute rights. Both positions ultimately rest on the assertion that the consequences of a violent action which is intended to preserve some lives by terminating others are more far‐reaching than we generally suppose. When the total net consequences of such actions are considered, it can be seen that an ethic of complete non‐violence might turn out to be optimific in the long run. Hence, absolutist moral positions of this sort should not be seen as irrational, or self‐serving, and are worthy of respectful consideration even if we finally decide that we ourselves cannot accept them.Until we have firm evidence as to whether non‐violence has positive or negative net consequences, the choice between absolute and situationist ethical positions must remain one which depends very largely on personal character. Absolutist positions do serve a valuable ‘conscience‐pricking’ function for the rest of us. They stand most chance of becoming more widely accepted if they are incorporated within a general ethic of positive helpfulness, rather than being presented as purely negati

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00019.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe recent revival of interest in theory leads the writers to examine a particular moment when a curriculum and the institution in which it occurred was explained and justified. Max Horkheimer's inaugural address to the Institute for Social Research in 1931 is summarised. The points made by the new Director of the Institute are examined in relation not only to his proposal for an inter‐disciplinary curriculum, but also to the nature of the institution and to the general justification of higher education. The article concludes with a number of comments on the relevance of these proposals to some modern higher education issue

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00020.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe criteria for adequate explanation have been the subject of intense debate in the philosophy of social science. This paper examines a variety of explanations of a decade of violence in Kampuchea in order to clarify the dimensions of the Kampuchean tragedy and to challenge both the hypothetico‐deductive and the Verstehen models of explanation central to contemporary debates in the philosophy of social science. Using the Kampuchean case as an example, I suggest that the analyst's propensity to assimilate new information into a tacit, pre‐supposition‐laden conceptual framework contributes to an oversimplification or caricature of the event to be explained. For this reason, no individual explanation of an event can be definitive. An adequate explanation can emerge only from the juxtaposition of and extrapolation from multiple, non‐privileged interpretations representing different methodological and ideological perspectives on the socio‐political event to be

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00021.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTA necessary condition for news to be produced under conditions of ‘negative’ freedom is for newspapers to become ‘reporter codetermined newspapers’, where reporters, along with editors and publishers, have a collective ‘positive’ freedom to vote on news‐policy, select editors and hire reporters. ‘Publisher‐controlled’ newspapers systematically prevent reporters from reporting some news‐stories and coerce and manipulate reporters into reporting others. It is argued here that all newspapers should be legally required to become reporter codetermined newspapers. This change is also required by Rawls’ and Mill's arguments for freedom of the press. On the basis of empirical data it is unlikely that the demands of freedom or justice can be met within existing i

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00022.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe Guidelines published in the United States by the Council on Interracial Books for Children in 1980 appeal to such criteria as language, omission and caricature to support the view that certain popular children's books are racist. It is argued here, with reference to the books in question, that the guidelines blur the distinction between what is said and what sort of judgment it constitutes. Next it is shown that the interventionist, didactic role demanded of the writer ignores the complexities of literature. Finally, it is maintained that such factors as mood, tone and humour need to be weighed in assessing caricature. Such guidelines may foster a distorted view of literary criticism, and encourage a tendency to read in too much. The serious issue of racism is in danger of being trivialized, and moral education of turning into didacticism. The distinction between a guideline and a mechanical rule needs to be preserved, and more sophisticated guidelines required.

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00023.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe claim that social class differences in educational success are related to language and language use of a cognitively relevant kind is discussed and criticised.Various aspects of the relationship between rationality and language are examined and it is argued that the contention that deficiencies in rationality are related to language is an ambiguous one which involves different kinds of claims.When the claims of verbal deficit theorists have been clarified, it has been found that the weakest of these claims have not been proven, while the strongest are empirically possible but extremely unlikely.

ISSN:0264-3758    

DOI:10.1111/j.1468-5930.1985.tb00024.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1985

数据来源: WILEY