摘要:

ABSTRACTIn this paper an attempt is made to indicate some possible relations between the working of political systems and, on the one hand, some aspects of “culture” and, on the other hand, various aspects of power and market relations. The discussion begins with some recent attempts to explain the variability of modern and modernizing societies in other terms than those offered in the earlier studies of modernization which heavily emphasized the difference between “traditional” and “modern” societies and attempted to explain many of the differences. The revision of these assumptions stresses both the importance of cultural continuities (and “traditions”) and various internal and international constellations of power relations in explaining the variety and variability of “modern, modernizing and transitional societies.”The analyses presented here present a fuller specification of some of the institutional loci of such continuity, the nature of the cultural orientations or codes (similar to Weber'sWirtschaftsethik) which may influence the working of political systems, and the mechanisms through which such influence is exerted. These codes or models are not just abstract or intellectual orientations. They provide rather specific institutional directives. They help to define boundaries of collectives, the coalescence of different types of such collectivities – the cultural, political, ethnic and religious –, the rights of membership in these collectivities, the specification of collective goals and public goods prevalent in them, and the centers and various counter‐cultures. The paper attempts to trace the influence of such codes on some crucial aspects of social and political organization in both the traditional and modern phases of the “same” society – W. Europe, Russia, and various patrimonial societies in S.E. Asia and Latin America.It attempts also to analyze some of the crucial differences between traditional and modern social phases, to indicate the nature of the process of struggle which takes place during transition, and to relate these chang

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1974.tb00746.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1974

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTThe relationship between ecological structures and political radicalism is a long‐pursued but little‐systematized topic among political sociologists. Only recently are we becoming aware of the fact that many of the difficulties in this area actually arise from metascientific preconceptions rather than from the processes themselves. Erik Allardt's analyses of radicalism in Finland are perhaps the best illustration of both the promise and problems of political ecology, and his theories, methods, and metaperspectives are used here as the backdrop for analysing Norwegian data.One of Allardt's more recent six‐fold models is applied to the well‐known emergence of Norwegian radicalism between 1900 and 1921. Factor analysis, incorporating both synchronic and diachronic indicators, is used to test the model and the results show a considerable amount of success in predicting the structural basis of radical socialism. Predictors as tomoderatesocialism prove to be more problematical, however, and it is in the context of this problem that the general relationship between “structural” and “cultural” explanations is taken up. A deeper analysis of the Norwegian case leads to the conclusion that both types of explanation are, or at least should be, complementary turns of a more fundamental res

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1974.tb00747.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1974

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

ABSTRACTButler and Stokes’Political Change in Britainis reviewed, and criticised for focussing on a notion of electoral change which is singularly restrictive and which, moreover, has been noticeably absent in post‐war Britain compared with other Western democracies. Three other kinds of electoral change, although ignored in the book, are shown to have been peculiar to Britain since 1945. These are (i) a persistent decline in the combined major party share of the electorate; (ii) a gradual fall in turnout; and (iii) an accelerating volatility of support between the two main parties. A more disturbing weakness in the study is that its general model of electoral behaviour, largely borrowed from the earlier Michigan studies, cannot account for these three electoral trends. Indeed, the model leads to predictions of electoral behaviour which are the very opposite of what has in fact taken place. In the light of the model's failure, some of its key concepts such as party identification, political generation and the model of partisan development as a learning process are subjected to critical scrutiny. No alternative model is tested, but plausible explanations of British voting behaviour since 1945 are offered which place a much greater emphasis on sociological and historical factors and on changes at the macro and elite le

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1974.tb00748.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1974

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1974.tb00749.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1974

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1974.tb00750.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1974

数据来源: WILEY