摘要:

Abstract.The political effects of economic openness have recently attracted considerable scholarly attention. This paper analyzes the relationships between openness of trade, party competition, and economic performance in 15 advanced Western democracies. Restraints on party competition are found to depend more on domestic social pluralism than on openness of trade. Economic growth is promoted both by economic exposure and by party‐system competition. The results suggest that restraints on political competition may be less beneficial in party systems than in interest group system

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00178.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.In this article we try to disentangle the constraints between traditional lines of political polarization (left‐right placement) and newer distinctions (materialist/postmaterialist values) among mass publics. It is shown that voting or party preference is most clearly related to the left‐right placement of the respondents. However, this placement is directly and strongly dependent on the materialist/postmaterialist orientation, while background variables like education, income and age are linked to voting via this value orientation. The materialist/postmaterialist orientation appears to be the present‐day interpretation of the dominant political conflict in advanced industrial society. Although alignments and orientations count for a substantive part of the variance in voting, the power of these models to predict the actual vote of people turns out to be rather

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00179.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Previous survey level research on attitudes towards the economy among European voters has tended to focus on the short‐term implications of these attitudes, relating them to vote choice or executive popularity. In this paper we seek to examine the relationships between economic assessments and more fundamental aspects of voter attitudes. More concretely, we examine the links between ideology and economic information, arguing that they are interdependent to the exctent that they can be seen to exist within a reciprocal relationship. In the wake of Kramer, we approach this problem from a comparative perspective, and find that the hypothesised reciprocal relationship is well supported by the statistical evidenc

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00180.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Methods of elite identification measure different aspects of power in societies. The relationship between the positional and the decisional methods was studied empirically, using data from a 1981 West German elite survey. In this survey, respondents determined through the positional method were asked to name their interaction partners for (political) issues in which they were actively involved. The results show that incumbency of an elite position is a crucial precondition for becoming politically influential. Only a small number of legislators, journalists, and academics who did not hold an elite position were mentioned as key influentials. The same data were also used to determine the denser part of the West German elite network which was made up of 559 core decision‐makers. The sector composition of this elite circle underlines the intermediating role of political leaders and senior civil servant

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00181.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.This article traces the evolution of factions (the term preferred to that of ‘fraction’) within the French Socialist party (PS) from the early twentieth century until 1981, with special reference to the post‐1971 PS as a party of opposition. It concentrates on the causes and structures of factions, as well as their location in relation to the wider political system and the degree of political space they were able to occupy within the party. It argues that factions were divided by personal rivalries (accentuated by the presidentialised Fifth Republic), ideological and party policy differences, party strategy, power rivalries within the organisation and different historical origins. Factions corresponded more or less to a series of ideal‐types. These were the organisation faction, whose power stemmed from its position within the party organisation; the parallel faction, whose separate factional structures paralled official party ones, and the external faction, which attempted to transform external popularity into internal party strength. Four factions prevailed: Mitterrand, Mauroy, CERES and Rocard. Those headed by presidentiables enjoyed the most success, whereas the others gradually declined. The presidentialism of the French regime set the PS apart from its European count

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00182.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Starting from the proposition that neo‐conservative governments would wish to increase competition in the telecommunications market and that socialist governments would wish to retain a network monopoly which protects small consumers, this paper explores telecommunications policy in a number of industrialised countries. It argues that there is little convergence between policies adopted by neo‐conservative regimes and that socialist governments are as likely to liberalise or privatise the telecommunications monopoly. A number of explanatory variables are explored, including federalism, trade union strength and industrial policy goals. The article concludes that the conjuncture of political and economic interests in any one country is likely to be different from that in any other. These conjunctures determine outcomes in policy terms and no country is likely to follow closely American experience in liberalisat

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00183.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

Abstract.Mohler (1987) claims that German culture does not display thematic cycles like those found by Namenwirth and Weber (1987) in America and Great Britain. We argue that Mohler's claim is not supported by the emperical evidence he presents. We also find his claim to be flawed conceptually and theoretically.

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00184.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0304-4130    

DOI:10.1111/j.1475-6765.1989.tb00185.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1989

数据来源: WILEY