ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168728

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168729

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168730

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

Recent changes in medical courses in Italy reflect a recognition that both theoretical education and clinical practice are essential components of a doctor’s training. These two parallel branches of medical education find their origins in the beliefs of Galen, mentor of medicine as a pure science, and of Alexander of Aphrodisias, promoter of the predominant role of empiricism. Neither a dogmatic nor an empiric approach to the study of medicine, however, is sufficient on its ow

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168731

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

Ancient Greek physicians believed that health resulted from a balance of natural forces. Many, including Dioscorides, made compilations of plants and medicines derived from them, giving prominence to diuretics, cathartics and emetics. During the Roman Empire, although Greek physicians were highly valued, the Roman matron performed many medical functions and magic and astrology were increasingly used. In Judaic and later Christian societies disease was equated with divine disfavor. After the fall of Rome, the classical Greek medical texts were mainly preserved in Latin translation by the Benedictine monasteries, which were based around a patient infirmary, a herb garden and a library. Local plants were often substituted for the classical ones, however, and the compilations became confused and inaccurate. Greek medicine survived better in the remains of the Eastern Roman Empire, and benefitted from the influence of Arab medicine. Intellectual revival, when it came to Europe, did so on the fringes of the Moslem world, and Montpellier and Salerno were among the first of the new medical centers. Rather than relying on ancient experts, the new experimental method reported the tested effects of substances from identified plants. This advance was fostered by the foundation of universities and greatly aided by the later invention of the printing press, which also allowed wider dissemination of the classical texts.

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168732

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

The history of nephrology is a part of culture in general and should be treated not as a hobby or an isolated specialty of medical science, but as closely connected with medical education and everyday clinical practice. In the age of the apotheosis of renal biotechnology, medicine more than ever needs to combine Hippocratic messages with renal technologic achievements, in order both to restore quality of life in patients with renal disease and to bring harmony and balance to individuals impaired in body and soul. Indeed, Hippocratic medicine lies at the root of the development of clinical nephrology. Hippocratic writings have not lost their nephrologic interest, despite the enormous recent advances in renal technology. Today’s practising nephrologist can still learn not only from Hippocratic clinical observations, but also from the prognostic thoughts, the ethical principles, the philosophic concepts and the humane messages of the ‘father of clinical nephrolo

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168733

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

During the Dark Ages following the fall of the Roman Empire, the Arabic world was instrumental in fostering the development of the sciences, including medicine. The quest for original manuscripts and their translation into Arabic reached its climax in the House of Wisdom in Baghdad, and the dissemination of the compiled texts was facilitated by the introduction of paper from the East. Foremost among the Arabic physicians were Rhazes, Avicenna, Haly Abbas and Albucasis, who lived during the period 950-1050 AD. Their writings not only followed Hippocrates and Galen, but also greatly extended the analytical approach of these earlier writers. The urine was studied and the function and diseases of the kidneys described. Despite the fact that experimentation on the human body was prohibited by religion, some anatomic dissection and observation seems to have been undertaken, and the pulmonary circulation was described by Ibn Nafis. Anatomic illustrations began to appear in Arabic texts, though they did not have the detail and artistic merit of those ofVesalius.

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168734

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

The biblical view of the kidney differs radically from the modern perception. For example, there is no reference in the Bible to the fact that the kidneys make urine. The kidneys were viewed as the seat of conscience and of ethical feelings and yearnings, and the source of morality and ethical activity. The kidneys were believed to be associated with the innermost parts of the personality. There are references to God examining the ethical nature of man through the kidneys or punishing man by injuring the kidneys. The fat around the kidneys was considered to be of special value for sacrifice and may have symbolized luxury or opulence. Much of the biblical understanding of the anatomy of the kidneys and the anatomic relationships between the kidneys, perirenal fat and the liver appears to be derived from observations made in domestic animals.

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168735

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

In classical Greek medicine, neither Hippocrates nor Galen considered the condition of the urine to be an important sign of systemic diseases, and they did not relate its characteristics to definite illnesses, except in obvious cases of urinary tract disease. In their teaching, urine was used together with other physical signs as a prognostic indicator. With Theophilus, however, uroscopy gained an important role, and the appearance of the urine became pathognomonic of specific diseases. De Urinis owed its popularity to this new approach and to its didactic character, as it was written as a practical handbook. After the 12th century, De Urinis occupied an assured position among the few ancient medical treatises that in Latin translation formed a worldwide teaching canon for medieval and Renaissance medical schools.

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168786

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger

摘要:

The influence of medieval Italian medicine first reached Catalonia via Montpellier. Physicians from Salerno are known to have worked in Aragon, and many Italian medical and surgical texts circulated in Catalonia. By the end of the 15th century it was Valencia that maintained close ties with Italy, and in the 1st third of the 16th century, at the height of Renaissance humanism, the Castilian universities became the greatest Spanish patrons of medicine. PostVesalian anatomists were active and many Castilian doctors were educated in Italy. In both medieval and Renaissance Spain the most commonly described renal pathology was lithiasis. The works of Joanes Jacobi (14th century) and Julian Guttierez (15th century) are outstanding, and foreshadow the monograph on lithiasis by Sanchez de Oropesa (16th century) and the work of Francisco Diaz, probably the greatest Spanish contributor to modern nephrology. He devoted 3 books of his collected professional experience to lithiasis, renal ulcers and sores, kidney inflammation and other processes including haematuria. His view of renal anatomy was totally modern, and he strongly advocated autopsy as a means of determining the cause of death. This underlines the new anatomopathological approach to investigation that was adopted in Renaissance Spain.

ISSN:0250-8095    

DOI:10.1159/000168736

出版商:S. Karger AG    

年代:1994

数据来源: Karger