摘要:

Ever since the electoral turmoil of the early seventies, Scandinavia has been a market for alternative models. And, indeed, the left‐right conflict dimension has fallen short of accounting for everything as evidenced by, for instance, the recent breakdown of the three‐party bourgeois coalition government in Sweden.This paper focuses on the conflict structure in Swedish politics, mainly the genesis of the center‐periphery dimension.Methodological ambiguity in diffusion studies of the center‐periphery conflict is illustrated through some empirical data. It is argued that the Green Wave should not be seen as a manifestation of an allegedly latent center‐periphery cleavage, nor be construed as a sign of major transitions in Swedish politics. Explanations are offered as to why the comparatively strong counter‐cultural movements (the free churches and the temperance movement) never managed to secure a party o

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1979.tb00202.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

To assess the nature of Finnish nationalism, Finland should be compared with other minor nationalities within the great multinational empires of the nineteenth century. In this perspective it seems of utmost importance that Finnish nationalism developed in the interface between the Swedish and Russian centers, one economically and culturally dominant, the other politically dominant, but economically backward. Starting from this background, it is suggested that exceptionally strong incentives for nationalist mobilization existed not only in the Finnish middle class, but also in the upper class, and that therefore national consolidation and nationalism advanced calmly and steadily.

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1979.tb00203.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

This article deals with the electoral basis of the largest political party in Iceland, the Independence Party (IP), in its formation period. Almost all capitalists and white collar workers supported the IP, as well as a little less than half of farmers and a minority of manual workers. Women also favoured the party more than males. The article seeks to explain the IP's electoral support with reference to structural features of Icelandic society, ideology, and the heritage of Iceland's struggle for independence from Denmark.The IP is furthest to the right on the socioeconomic spectrum of Icelandic politics; in its heterogeneous voting support and ideology of nationalism and class unity, the IP resembles such political parties as the Christian Democratic Union in West Germany and the Conservative Party in Britain rather than the Liberal and Conservative parties in Scandinavia.

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1979.tb00204.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

摘要:

The article is a summary of a research programme utilising aggregate data at the communal level to explore regional variations in Social Democratic and Communist electoral strength. These variations have persisted since the party split of 1920. The most important factors explaining electoral strength seem to be geopolitical, geoeconomic, or organisational in nature. Political developments preceding the Civil War do not seem to be very significant.

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1979.tb00205.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1979.tb00206.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY

ISSN:0080-6757    

DOI:10.1111/j.1467-9477.1979.tb00207.x

出版商:Blackwell Publishing Ltd    

年代:1979

数据来源: WILEY