摘要:

A relationship between trends in the age structure of the population and homicide rates has been systematically observed only in the United States since World War II. This study analyzes data from five nations over 70 years to examine the generalizability of this relationship. Using two time-series techniques, we find that changes in the proportion of young males in a population do not exert consistent effects on homicide rates. There is no evidence of an age effect in Scotland and Japan, and strong evidence of a postwar age effect only in the United States and Italy. Based on similarities in the character of homicide in the United States and Italy, we suggest a set of conditions under which an age effect is most likely to obtain.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.351

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

The relative size of the black population has been linked with the exercise of social control in both contemporary and historical contexts. In this article I use data from late nineteenth-century Georgia to examine several neglected issues: the multiple sources and targets of black threat, temporal changes in the relative size of the black population, and the rate at which black and white males were incarcerated. Time series analysis reveals that declines in the relative size of the black male and urban black population significantly affected the rate at which black males were incarcerated, particularly before disenfranchisement in 1909. In contrast, changes in the black population had no effect on the incarceration of whites. These findings suggest that declines in the relative size of certain segments of the black population threatened the labor supply and intensified social control efforts. I conclude by considering the empirical implications of these findings.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.373

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

This research tests arguments that political challenges and economic competition shaped regional and temporal variation in lynchings and urban violence against blacks during the volatile period 1882 through 1914. The fundamental hypothesis is that rates of racial violence rose when interracial competition intensified because of immigration, urbanization of blacks, economic contractions, and political challenges to white supremacy in the South. Event-history and time-series analyses show that economic slumps, particularly those that affected the least-skilled workers, increased rates of both lynching and urban racial violence, as did rising competition from immigration. Lynching also appears to have been sensitive to factors affecting the Southern region directly. In particular, lynching was affected by Populist challenges to one-party rule as well as by changing fortunes of the cotton economy. Results suggest that theories that take both political and economic dimensions of competition into account at the same time hold promise for explaining diverse forms of racial violence.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.395

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

Research in the early 1980s showed that industrial segmentation strongly affected income inequality in Poland. The findings were interpreted as indicative of the socialist state policy whereby wages are distributed through centrally imposed industrial organizations. Since 1982, however, attempts have been made to introduce long-range reform into the Polish economy. In this article data from 1982 and 1987 national surveys are compared to establish whether any changes in income determination occurred. Using regression analysis, no substantial changes in income determination patterns were detected, suggesting that economic reform did not weaken the traditional mechanisms of labor market segmentation in Poland.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.423

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

This article examines whether women are paid less than men because female-dominated jobs are characterized by more favorable working conditions than jobs dominated by men. We review evidence about whether differences in working conditions are responsible for a portion of the sex gap in wages, including pertinent data from a number of comparable worth studies. The heart of the article is an analysis of data on over 1,600 jobs in the New York State Civil Service System. Fourteen job-content indicators and 15 measures of working conditions are examined. Our findings are inconsistent with the expectations of the compensating differentials hypothesis. Prominent results include (1) both male- and female-dominated jobs are disadvantaged on a similar number of working-conditions indicators; (2) in general, neither men nor women receive wage premiums for working in unfavorable conditions, once other compensable characteristics are taken into account; (3) if female-dominated jobs had the same working conditions that characterize white male—dominated jobs, the sex gap in wages would grow slightly; and (4) female-dominated jobs would slightly improve their relative position if all wage penalties associated with working conditions were assigned a zero score. A power-based model of intraorganizational wage determination is discussed as an alternative to the neoclassical economic paradigm.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.439

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.469

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.475

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

Most existing measures of cohesion attempt to objectively measure cohesion while neglecting individual group members' perceptions of their cohesion to a particular group. We propose that group members' perceptions of cohesion are important for the behavior of the individual as well as the group as a whole. We offer a theoretical definition of perceived cohesion which says individuals' perceptions of their own cohesion to a group has two dimensions: sense of belonging and feelings of morale. We test this conceptualization and the adequacy of our Perceived Cohesion Scale in two random samples: students at a small college noted for its strong “school spirit” and residents of a midsized city. Our confirmatory factor analyses indicate a two-factor model, with a high degree of invariance across the two samples, and with the two dimensions correlated over .90 in both. However, as anticipated, perceived cohesion is significantly higher in the college than the city sample.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.479

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

This article examines the individual and structural factors that promote transition from stable, transitive friendships to unstable, intransitive ones. Arguing that inequalities in social relationships govern this transition, we identify ascribed and achieved characteristics of individuals as well as dyadic and triadic features of their friendships that lead to intransitive ties. Analyses of the friendship choices of 335 elementary school students over a school year reveal important race differences as well as significant effects of network structure on the formation of intransitive ties. Following these intransitive relationships over time confirms their instability. Implications of the findings for the structure of larger social networks are discussed.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.505

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP

摘要:

Several major theories — deprivation theory, resource mobilization theory, and the theory of collective action — make different predictions about the effects of repression on political protest. The results of empirical research have been inconclusive as well: some studies have found that repression deters protest, whereas others have found a positive (radicalizing) effect of repression on protest This article proposes a model that explains the different effects of repression, in conjunction with other incentives, on political protest. We first hypothesize that repression has a direct negative (deterring) effect on protest because repression is a cost. This direct effect may be endorsed under some conditions, or it may be neutralized, or even reversed if repression leads to micromobilization processes that raise incentives for protest. These processes are set in motion if persons are exposed to repression, if repression is considered illegitimate by these persons and their social environment (which holds in case of legal protest), and if these persons are members of groups that support protest. Under such conditions repression indirectly increases protest by launching micromobilization processes. These processes and their effects are specified in a model which is tested and confirmed by a panel study of opponents of nuclear power in West Germany.

ISSN:0430-0696    

DOI:10.1093/sf/69.2.521

出版商:The University of North Carolina Press    

年代:1990

数据来源: OUP